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Fifty years of struggle

Frank Chapman, 82, has been a revolutionary organizer since the 1960s. He is currently the educational director and field secretary at the Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (CAARPR) and a leader in the campaign for an elected Civilian Police Accountability Council (CPAC). CPAC and the Grassroots Alliance for Police Accountability (GAPA) were instrumental in the fight to establish democratically elected civilian oversight of the police, which was passed in a 2021 ordinance. 

In the late 1960s, the Black Panther Party sparked the first citywide attempt to establish community control of the Chicago police. It culminated in a 1973 conference that included speakers such as Dick Gregory, Fannie Lou Hamer, Renault Robinson, Bobby Seale, and Bobby Rush, as well as a ballot-measure effort to get elected, citizen-led police boards in every district. That effort was ultimately defeated by then-mayor Richard J. Daley’s Democratic machine.

In recent years, killings by Chicago police and the widespread protests and rebellions that took place in the wake of the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police reinvigorated the local movement for community control of the police. The latest chapter in organizers’ efforts will come to fruition on February 28, when, for the first time ever, three people will be elected to serve on police district councils in each of the city’s 22 police districts.  

In 1961, Chapman was wrongfully convicted of murder and armed robbery and sentenced to 50 years in the Missouri State Penitentiary. While incarcerated, he began studying the law, reading revolutionary literature, and following the advances of the civil rights movement by reading Ebony and Jet. Chapman helped start a movement to desegregate the prison, where Black prisoners were subjected to “horrid and ridiculous” conditions. He reached out to politicians and activists and ultimately got in touch with Angela Davis, a key organizer in the Black Power movement and communist professor at the University of California, Berkeley. In 1976, Chapman was paroled and has been part of the struggle for liberation ever since. “I’ve stayed committed to this movement,” he says, “and I will continue to stay committed to it until I die.” 

The Reader recently spoke with Chapman about the movement to establish community control of the Chicago police. What follows are his words, which have been edited for clarity and length:

The struggle for community control of the police, or CCOP as it became known, started in Berkeley, California, around 1968, led by the Black Panther Party, some of the members of Students for a Democratic Society, and other progressive people in the community in the Bay Area. By the time it got to Chicago, Fred Hampton [the deputy chairman of the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party] was in the struggle and very, very conscious of what he was doing. He built the first Rainbow Coalition in this city by fighting around this issue of community control of the police. 

It became a real serious campaign shortly after Chairman Fred was murdered by the police in December 1969. The campaign was really formed from a broad base. It was a multiracial coalition consisting of the Black Panther Party, the Alliance to End Repression, the NAACP, the League of Black Women, the Chicago Peace Council, the Midwest Latino Conference, and the American Indian Movement. 

The goal of the CCOP was to build a people’s political machine of Black, Latino, Native American, and white working-class people to take control not just of the police but of their respective communities. The campaign united and cooperated, pooling resources to attack the local power structure at all its vulnerable points, and they considered police violence and terror to be one of the most vulnerable. 

They organized a voter registration drive precinct-by-precinct to get CCOP on the ballot. And we learned a number of things from that campaign, specifically that beating a powerful machine requires a tremendous amount of energy and resources and dedicated grassroots organizers. And while that [CCOP] movement had some of that, it did not have enough. In the wake of that defeat, CCOP shifted its tactics to trying to get progressive activists elected, such as Cha Cha Jiménez from the Puerto Rican Young Lords [who ran for 46th Ward alderman], or Black Panther leader Bobby Rush [who served in Congress until his retirement this month]. These candidates campaigned on a platform of greater community control by calling for such things as a community zoning board to combat gentrification, community escrow programs to combat slumlords, and other community service programs. They weren’t just talking about community control of the police. By and by, these movements were diluted in terms of their demands and so on, and over a 40-year period, they were all but forgotten about. 

[Winning] requires more than just having a broad concept about community control in general, and of all the different things CCOP fought for. It requires building a real, serious grassroots movement that’s rooted in the neighborhoods and communities, where you have tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands of people believing in bringing this change about and willing to fight for it. That’s what our movement [Empowering Communities for Public Safety] accomplished. And we would not have accomplished this had the way not been paved for us by Fred Hampton and others. 

In 1973, the first Chicago conference on community control of police drew civil rights organizers from around the country. The Black Panther Party’s newspaper covered the conference (p. 3). Courtesy of the Historical Society of the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party

In March of 2021 Rekia Boyd, a 21-year-old Black woman, was murdered [by Dante Servin, an off-duty CPD detective]. The community was outraged about this. It happened right around the same time that Trayvon Martin was murdered [by George Zimmerman in Florida]. So there was anger in the air already. The Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and other organizers held a meeting, and we decided to launch a movement calling for an all-elected civilian police accountability council. When we started out with our first public meeting, we had about 150 people. We decided that there was a good indicator of what the people in the community want, because all those 150 people were, in fact, victims of some police crime or another. 

We began to go into the communities on the south side and on the west side. For seven years, we collected signatures from people, demanding community control of the police, demanding an all-elected Civilian Police Accountability Council, known as CPAC. And in those seven years, we did not just have folks sign; we talked to people. 

By the time the George Floyd rebellion broke out, we had already collected about 60,000 signatures here in the city of Chicago. We had some signatures in every ward, and we had over 1,000 signatures in 38 wards. So we were a mass movement when the George Floyd rebellion broke out. The first demonstration that we had in the wake of the George Floyd rebellion, we had over 4,000 cars in caravans and damn near 30,000 people on the ground. So that was a very massive movement that made the powers that be in the city say, “OK, we will talk to you, we will negotiate with you about doing something about this problem.”  

When she was running for the office, Mayor Lightfoot said that she was going to do something about this within 90 days after she was elected, and a year later still nothing was done. A year later. So, we formed a united front with the Grassroots Alliance for Police Accountability, and Empowering Communities for Public Safety is what we called ourselves. That also became the name of the ordinance that we got passed: Empowering Communities for Public Safety. 

That was a historic advance for our people, and it took us overcoming a lot of differences within our movement about what police accountability should look like. And so in the ECPS ordinance are some basic agreements that we had to have in order to go forward: we had to have a well-defined voice in saying who polices our communities, and that voice had to be democratically elected by the people. 

Frank Chapman

Fifty years of struggle Read More »

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night Foodball

Have you eaten at Aba in the last year?

If you’ve taken a table at Lettuce Entertain You’s Israeli-ish Fulton Market concept, there’s a good chance the production and plating of your house-made stracciatella with sherry vinaigrette, truffle-baked orzo, or black garlic shrimp scampi was supervised by Nemanja Milunovic, one of the restaurant’s chefs de cuisine.

I bet they were spot-on perfect.

How do I know this? Milunovic is a consummate professional, a true chignón, and, prior to his current corporate gig, the chef behind the short-lived but brilliant Kiosk Balkan Street Food ghost kitchen.

Kiosk closed abruptly due to the sudden passing of Milunovic’s mom—just as his particular star was rising. When he returned from an extended mourning period in Serbia (with a pit stop in Istanbul), he had to find a steady gig—and he found it in the warm, stable embrace of the Lettuce empire. He’s been there all year, making sure every plate is perfect.

You know what you can’t eat at Aba? Milunovic’s extraordinary somun, the pillowy, tortoise-shell-shaped bread that distinguished each of Kiosk’s magnificent sandwiches, a kind of steroidal pita that formed the foundation of one of the undersung champions of the Great Chicken Sandwich Wars of 2021.

But you know where you can eat that crispy buttermilk-brined breast, topped with punchy cabbage salad, pickles, and the chili and goat cheese compound urnebes? At Ludlow Liquors in Avondale this January 23, when Milunovic takes over the kitchen for the 2023 season opener of Monday Night Foodball, the Reader’s weekly chef pop-up.

It’s fitting Milunovic is inaugurating our new home. It’s been nearly a year to the day since he opened the 2022 season at the Kedzie Inn, a triumphant event that’s haunted everyone who tasted his pizza burek, one of the best things I’d eaten last year.

No burek this time, but he’s bringing back a couple other unforgettable items from that enchanted night, such as the all-beef grilled cevapi, swaddled in somun with red pepper ajvar, and creamy kajmak cheese spread. He’s also serving up the iconic karadjordjeva schnitzel, a rolled pork tenderloin piped with molten mozzarella and provolone, then breaded and deep fried to a phallic crisp.

You’ll want to take these with a side of fries dusted with the Bosnian flavor enhancer vegeta, but you especially need his oyster-cremini, portobello-hon shimeji mushroom goulash, a tribute to the version his grandmother made after summer family foraging trips in the Serbian Kopaonik mountains.

You can cut the richness of all this with roasted hot and sweet pepper moravska salad, but please don’t fail to tip the scales back with a slice of the classic Serbian chocolate walnut reform torta.

Once again Milunovic has teamed up with his barkeep brother Marko, now behind the stick at Lazy Bird. He’s come up with a couple of aged plum brandy-based cocktails, one a riff on the classic Lion’s Tail, with chamomile-infused slivovitz and allspice and peach liqueur, the latter a sweet reminder of the fruit kompot the brothers drank as kids. The other is an egg-free sour with prune puree and chocolate bitters, a nod to the chocolate-enrobed fruit endemic after the plum season.

Order those at the bar, but preorder your food right now, right here. There will only be limited walk-in availability. Milunovic’s old Kiosk regulars keep asking him when he’s going to cook Balkan food again. They’ll be there for sure, so look alive. It all starts at 5 PM at Ludlow Liquors, 2959 N. California in Avondale.

Nemanja Milunovic in the Kiosk days Credit: Nick Murway for Chicago ReaderRead More

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night Foodball Read More »

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night Foodball

Have you eaten at Aba in the last year?

If you’ve taken a table at Lettuce Entertain You’s Israeli-ish Fulton Market concept, there’s a good chance the production and plating of your house-made stracciatella with sherry vinaigrette, truffle-baked orzo, or black garlic shrimp scampi was supervised by Nemanja Milunovic, one of the restaurant’s chefs de cuisine.

I bet they were spot-on perfect.

How do I know this? Milunovic is a consummate professional, a true chignón, and, prior to his current corporate gig, the chef behind the short-lived but brilliant Kiosk Balkan Street Food ghost kitchen.

Kiosk closed abruptly due to the sudden passing of Milunovic’s mom—just as his particular star was rising. When he returned from an extended mourning period in Serbia (with a pit stop in Istanbul), he had to find a steady gig—and he found it in the warm, stable embrace of the Lettuce empire. He’s been there all year, making sure every plate is perfect.

You know what you can’t eat at Aba? Milunovic’s extraordinary somun, the pillowy, tortoise-shell-shaped bread that distinguished each of Kiosk’s magnificent sandwiches, a kind of steroidal pita that formed the foundation of one of the undersung champions of the Great Chicken Sandwich Wars of 2021.

But you know where you can eat that crispy buttermilk-brined breast, topped with punchy cabbage salad, pickles, and the chili and goat cheese compound urnebes? At Ludlow Liquors in Avondale this January 23, when Milunovic takes over the kitchen for the 2023 season opener of Monday Night Foodball, the Reader’s weekly chef pop-up.

It’s fitting Milunovic is inaugurating our new home. It’s been nearly a year to the day since he opened the 2022 season at the Kedzie Inn, a triumphant event that’s haunted everyone who tasted his pizza burek, one of the best things I’d eaten last year.

No burek this time, but he’s bringing back a couple other unforgettable items from that enchanted night, such as the all-beef grilled cevapi, swaddled in somun with red pepper ajvar, and creamy kajmak cheese spread. He’s also serving up the iconic karadjordjeva schnitzel, a rolled pork tenderloin piped with molten mozzarella and provolone, then breaded and deep fried to a phallic crisp.

You’ll want to take these with a side of fries dusted with the Bosnian flavor enhancer vegeta, but you especially need his oyster-cremini, portobello-hon shimeji mushroom goulash, a tribute to the version his grandmother made after summer family foraging trips in the Serbian Kopaonik mountains.

You can cut the richness of all this with roasted hot and sweet pepper moravska salad, but please don’t fail to tip the scales back with a slice of the classic Serbian chocolate walnut reform torta.

Once again Milunovic has teamed up with his barkeep brother Marko, now behind the stick at Lazy Bird. He’s come up with a couple of aged plum brandy-based cocktails, one a riff on the classic Lion’s Tail, with chamomile-infused slivovitz and allspice and peach liqueur, the latter a sweet reminder of the fruit kompot the brothers drank as kids. The other is an egg-free sour with prune puree and chocolate bitters, a nod to the chocolate-enrobed fruit endemic after the plum season.

Order those at the bar, but preorder your food right now, right here. There will only be limited walk-in availability. Milunovic’s old Kiosk regulars keep asking him when he’s going to cook Balkan food again. They’ll be there for sure, so look alive. It all starts at 5 PM at Ludlow Liquors, 2959 N. California in Avondale.

Nemanja Milunovic in the Kiosk days Credit: Nick Murway for Chicago ReaderRead More

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night Foodball Read More »

Fifty years of struggleJim Daleyon January 11, 2023 at 8:20 pm

Frank Chapman, 82, has been a revolutionary organizer since the 1960s. He is currently the educational director and field secretary at the Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (CAARPR) and a leader in the campaign for an elected Civilian Police Accountability Council (CPAC). CPAC and the Grassroots Alliance for Police Accountability (GAPA) were instrumental in the fight to establish democratically elected civilian oversight of the police, which was passed in a 2021 ordinance. 

In the late 1960s, the Black Panther Party sparked the first citywide attempt to establish community control of the Chicago police. It culminated in a 1973 conference that included speakers such as Dick Gregory, Fannie Lou Hamer, Renault Robinson, Bobby Seale, and Bobby Rush, as well as a ballot-measure effort to get elected, citizen-led police boards in every district. That effort was ultimately defeated by then-mayor Richard J. Daley’s Democratic machine.

In recent years, killings by Chicago police and the widespread protests and rebellions that took place in the wake of the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police reinvigorated the local movement for community control of the police. The latest chapter in organizers’ efforts will come to fruition on February 28, when, for the first time ever, three people will be elected to serve on police district councils in each of the city’s 22 police districts.  

In 1961, Chapman was wrongfully convicted of murder and armed robbery and sentenced to 50 years in the Missouri State Penitentiary. While incarcerated, he began studying the law, reading revolutionary literature, and following the advances of the civil rights movement by reading Ebony and Jet. Chapman helped start a movement to desegregate the prison, where Black prisoners were subjected to “horrid and ridiculous” conditions. He reached out to politicians and activists and ultimately got in touch with Angela Davis, a key organizer in the Black Power movement and communist professor at the University of California, Berkeley. In 1976, Chapman was paroled and has been part of the struggle for liberation ever since. “I’ve stayed committed to this movement,” he says, “and I will continue to stay committed to it until I die.” 

The Reader recently spoke with Chapman about the movement to establish community control of the Chicago police. What follows are his words, which have been edited for clarity and length:

The struggle for community control of the police, or CCOP as it became known, started in Berkeley, California, around 1968, led by the Black Panther Party, some of the members of Students for a Democratic Society, and other progressive people in the community in the Bay Area. By the time it got to Chicago, Fred Hampton [the deputy chairman of the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party] was in the struggle and very, very conscious of what he was doing. He built the first Rainbow Coalition in this city by fighting around this issue of community control of the police. 

It became a real serious campaign shortly after Chairman Fred was murdered by the police in December 1969. The campaign was really formed from a broad base. It was a multiracial coalition consisting of the Black Panther Party, the Alliance to End Repression, the NAACP, the League of Black Women, the Chicago Peace Council, the Midwest Latino Conference, and the American Indian Movement. 

The goal of the CCOP was to build a people’s political machine of Black, Latino, Native American, and white working-class people to take control not just of the police but of their respective communities. The campaign united and cooperated, pooling resources to attack the local power structure at all its vulnerable points, and they considered police violence and terror to be one of the most vulnerable. 

They organized a voter registration drive precinct-by-precinct to get CCOP on the ballot. And we learned a number of things from that campaign, specifically that beating a powerful machine requires a tremendous amount of energy and resources and dedicated grassroots organizers. And while that [CCOP] movement had some of that, it did not have enough. In the wake of that defeat, CCOP shifted its tactics to trying to get progressive activists elected, such as Cha Cha Jiménez from the Puerto Rican Young Lords [who ran for 46th Ward alderman], or Black Panther leader Bobby Rush [who served in Congress until his retirement this month]. These candidates campaigned on a platform of greater community control by calling for such things as a community zoning board to combat gentrification, community escrow programs to combat slumlords, and other community service programs. They weren’t just talking about community control of the police. By and by, these movements were diluted in terms of their demands and so on, and over a 40-year period, they were all but forgotten about. 

[Winning] requires more than just having a broad concept about community control in general, and of all the different things CCOP fought for. It requires building a real, serious grassroots movement that’s rooted in the neighborhoods and communities, where you have tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands of people believing in bringing this change about and willing to fight for it. That’s what our movement [Empowering Communities for Public Safety] accomplished. And we would not have accomplished this had the way not been paved for us by Fred Hampton and others. 

In 1973, the first Chicago conference on community control of police drew civil rights organizers from around the country. The Black Panther Party’s newspaper covered the conference (p. 3). Courtesy ECPS Coalition

The first phase of that struggle, which we’re now in, is getting ECPS implemented. And that means getting not just movement people but getting the people in the communities that are most devastated and impacted by police tyranny, getting those people involved in this fight and getting them to run for these positions of councilors in the police district councils. 

 Nothing in the history of our country has been done like this before. This is the result of us actually creating a law that empowers our people in the communities to have a decisive voice in saying who polices our communities and how our communities are policed, and this will be done through a democratic election. 

It’s never been a democratic option before for our people to say who polices our communities and how our communities are policed. We have been living under police tyranny for 100 years in this city, going all the way back to the 1919 race riots when the police joined white mobs to murder us in the streets. So this has never happened before. Not only has it never happened before in Chicago, it’s never happened before in the United States. 

And therefore, we put a high priority on these elections. The people who don’t want this to happen are the Fraternal Order of Police and some of the alderpeople who cosign everything that they say and even, to some extent, the mayor’s office itself, which was forced to come as far as they could on this. They fought us all the way. We negotiated every line of the ECPS ordinance with the mayor’s office. I can tell you because I was sitting at the negotiating table. We had to fight for every line that meant something to our people. We won some of those fights, and we lost some of them. 

I think the FOP realizes that they’re not the most popular group in south-side and west-side communities, because people in these communities are acutely aware of the harm that they bring: they have lost family members, both in terms of being killed and brutalized. They have lost family members in terms of being incarcerated for crimes they did not commit when Jon Burge was operating his torture crew—they tortured and forced hundreds of people to confess to crimes that they didn’t commit, which means that they left hundreds of people who actually committed those crimes on the streets. 

So these are the abuses and excesses that have been deeply felt by the Black and Brown communities of the city, but especially the Black community. All you gotta do is look at statistics; they tell the truth, that we’re overwhelmingly impacted by this, more than any other community in this city. That’s why the FOP don’t have a lot of [ballot petition] challenges on the south side and the west side, openly, that is, because they realize that they’re not that popular in these communities where they have been the perpetrators and the defenders of police crimes for decades.

What [the FOP] do have are people who they influence in these communities, who we expect them to back. We’re going to beat them at the ballot box. That’s where we want to beat them because we want this to be a democratic option that is used by people to get this done. So we’re saying we win at the ballot box, or we’ll catch the bullets later. So it’s really like Malcolm X once said: “the ballot or the bullet.”

We are very confident that we will win, because our people are sick and tired of being sick and tired of the police committing crimes in our communities and going unpunished. This was a democratic option all the way around, where we say not only who polices our communities, but how our communities are policed, so that the real safety needs of our community can be responded to appropriately. And that means not shooting down people with their arms raised in the air in the posture of surrender, like Adam Toledo was, or shooting people that have a little penknife like Laquan McDonald did, several feet away from you, yet you put 16 shots into him. 

We don’t need that kind of policing in Chicago or anyplace else in this country. And only we the people can stop it. This is a movement that has to begin in the cities, at the local level, where we the people have our hands on the levers of power and we can change this.


A meeting of the Community Commission for Public Safety and Accountability drew a mix of Chicagoans, some hopeful, some skeptical.


But despite delays, progressive alderpersons and activists remain hopeful on ECPS


Career politicians are stepping down, and there’s now an opportunity for new—and possibly progressive—Black leaders to take the reins.

Read More

Fifty years of struggleJim Daleyon January 11, 2023 at 8:20 pm Read More »

Fifty years of struggleJim Daleyon January 11, 2023 at 8:20 pm

Frank Chapman, 82, has been a revolutionary organizer since the 1960s. He is currently the educational director and field secretary at the Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression (CAARPR) and a leader in the campaign for an elected Civilian Police Accountability Council (CPAC). CPAC and the Grassroots Alliance for Police Accountability (GAPA) were instrumental in the fight to establish democratically elected civilian oversight of the police, which was passed in a 2021 ordinance. 

In the late 1960s, the Black Panther Party sparked the first citywide attempt to establish community control of the Chicago police. It culminated in a 1973 conference that included speakers such as Dick Gregory, Fannie Lou Hamer, Renault Robinson, Bobby Seale, and Bobby Rush, as well as a ballot-measure effort to get elected, citizen-led police boards in every district. That effort was ultimately defeated by then-mayor Richard J. Daley’s Democratic machine.

In recent years, killings by Chicago police and the widespread protests and rebellions that took place in the wake of the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police reinvigorated the local movement for community control of the police. The latest chapter in organizers’ efforts will come to fruition on February 28, when, for the first time ever, three people will be elected to serve on police district councils in each of the city’s 22 police districts.  

In 1961, Chapman was wrongfully convicted of murder and armed robbery and sentenced to 50 years in the Missouri State Penitentiary. While incarcerated, he began studying the law, reading revolutionary literature, and following the advances of the civil rights movement by reading Ebony and Jet. Chapman helped start a movement to desegregate the prison, where Black prisoners were subjected to “horrid and ridiculous” conditions. He reached out to politicians and activists and ultimately got in touch with Angela Davis, a key organizer in the Black Power movement and communist professor at the University of California, Berkeley. In 1976, Chapman was paroled and has been part of the struggle for liberation ever since. “I’ve stayed committed to this movement,” he says, “and I will continue to stay committed to it until I die.” 

The Reader recently spoke with Chapman about the movement to establish community control of the Chicago police. What follows are his words, which have been edited for clarity and length:

The struggle for community control of the police, or CCOP as it became known, started in Berkeley, California, around 1968, led by the Black Panther Party, some of the members of Students for a Democratic Society, and other progressive people in the community in the Bay Area. By the time it got to Chicago, Fred Hampton [the deputy chairman of the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party] was in the struggle and very, very conscious of what he was doing. He built the first Rainbow Coalition in this city by fighting around this issue of community control of the police. 

It became a real serious campaign shortly after Chairman Fred was murdered by the police in December 1969. The campaign was really formed from a broad base. It was a multiracial coalition consisting of the Black Panther Party, the Alliance to End Repression, the NAACP, the League of Black Women, the Chicago Peace Council, the Midwest Latino Conference, and the American Indian Movement. 

The goal of the CCOP was to build a people’s political machine of Black, Latino, Native American, and white working-class people to take control not just of the police but of their respective communities. The campaign united and cooperated, pooling resources to attack the local power structure at all its vulnerable points, and they considered police violence and terror to be one of the most vulnerable. 

They organized a voter registration drive precinct-by-precinct to get CCOP on the ballot. And we learned a number of things from that campaign, specifically that beating a powerful machine requires a tremendous amount of energy and resources and dedicated grassroots organizers. And while that [CCOP] movement had some of that, it did not have enough. In the wake of that defeat, CCOP shifted its tactics to trying to get progressive activists elected, such as Cha Cha Jiménez from the Puerto Rican Young Lords [who ran for 46th Ward alderman], or Black Panther leader Bobby Rush [who served in Congress until his retirement this month]. These candidates campaigned on a platform of greater community control by calling for such things as a community zoning board to combat gentrification, community escrow programs to combat slumlords, and other community service programs. They weren’t just talking about community control of the police. By and by, these movements were diluted in terms of their demands and so on, and over a 40-year period, they were all but forgotten about. 

[Winning] requires more than just having a broad concept about community control in general, and of all the different things CCOP fought for. It requires building a real, serious grassroots movement that’s rooted in the neighborhoods and communities, where you have tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands of people believing in bringing this change about and willing to fight for it. That’s what our movement [Empowering Communities for Public Safety] accomplished. And we would not have accomplished this had the way not been paved for us by Fred Hampton and others. 

In 1973, the first Chicago conference on community control of police drew civil rights organizers from around the country. The Black Panther Party’s newspaper covered the conference (p. 3). Courtesy of the Historical Society of the Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party

In March of 2021 Rekia Boyd, a 21-year-old Black woman, was murdered [by Dante Servin, an off-duty CPD detective]. The community was outraged about this. It happened right around the same time that Trayvon Martin was murdered [by George Zimmerman in Florida]. So there was anger in the air already. The Chicago Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and other organizers held a meeting, and we decided to launch a movement calling for an all-elected civilian police accountability council. When we started out with our first public meeting, we had about 150 people. We decided that there was a good indicator of what the people in the community want, because all those 150 people were, in fact, victims of some police crime or another. 

We began to go into the communities on the south side and on the west side. For seven years, we collected signatures from people, demanding community control of the police, demanding an all-elected Civilian Police Accountability Council, known as CPAC. And in those seven years, we did not just have folks sign; we talked to people. 

By the time the George Floyd rebellion broke out, we had already collected about 60,000 signatures here in the city of Chicago. We had some signatures in every ward, and we had over 1,000 signatures in 38 wards. So we were a mass movement when the George Floyd rebellion broke out. The first demonstration that we had in the wake of the George Floyd rebellion, we had over 4,000 cars in caravans and damn near 30,000 people on the ground. So that was a very massive movement that made the powers that be in the city say, “OK, we will talk to you, we will negotiate with you about doing something about this problem.”  

When she was running for the office, Mayor Lightfoot said that she was going to do something about this within 90 days after she was elected, and a year later still nothing was done. A year later. So, we formed a united front with the Grassroots Alliance for Police Accountability, and Empowering Communities for Public Safety is what we called ourselves. That also became the name of the ordinance that we got passed: Empowering Communities for Public Safety. 

That was a historic advance for our people, and it took us overcoming a lot of differences within our movement about what police accountability should look like. And so in the ECPS ordinance are some basic agreements that we had to have in order to go forward: we had to have a well-defined voice in saying who polices our communities, and that voice had to be democratically elected by the people. 

Frank Chapman

Fifty years of struggleJim Daleyon January 11, 2023 at 8:20 pm Read More »

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night FoodballMike Sulaon January 11, 2023 at 8:39 pm

Have you eaten at Aba in the last year?

If you’ve taken a table at Lettuce Entertain You’s Israeli-ish Fulton Market concept, there’s a good chance the production and plating of your house-made stracciatella with sherry vinaigrette, truffle-baked orzo, or black garlic shrimp scampi was supervised by Nemanja Milunovic, one of the restaurant’s chefs de cuisine.

I bet they were spot-on perfect.

How do I know this? Milunovic is a consummate professional, a true chignón, and, prior to his current corporate gig, the chef behind the short-lived but brilliant Kiosk Balkan Street Food ghost kitchen.

Kiosk closed abruptly due to the sudden passing of Milunovic’s mom—just as his particular star was rising. When he returned from an extended mourning period in Serbia (with a pit stop in Istanbul), he had to find a steady gig—and he found it in the warm, stable embrace of the Lettuce empire. He’s been there all year, making sure every plate is perfect.

You know what you can’t eat at Aba? Milunovic’s extraordinary somun, the pillowy, tortoise-shell-shaped bread that distinguished each of Kiosk’s magnificent sandwiches, a kind of steroidal pita that formed the foundation of one of the undersung champions of the Great Chicken Sandwich Wars of 2021.

But you know where you can eat that crispy buttermilk-brined breast, topped with punchy cabbage salad, pickles, and the chili and goat cheese compound urnebes? At Ludlow Liquors in Avondale this January 23, when Milunovic takes over the kitchen for the 2023 season opener of Monday Night Foodball, the Reader’s weekly chef pop-up.

It’s fitting Milunovic is inaugurating our new home. It’s been nearly a year to the day since he opened the 2022 season at the Kedzie Inn, a triumphant event that’s haunted everyone who tasted his pizza burek, one of the best things I’d eaten last year.

No burek this time, but he’s bringing back a couple other unforgettable items from that enchanted night, such as the all-beef grilled cevapi, swaddled in somun with red pepper ajvar, and creamy kajmak cheese spread. He’s also serving up the iconic karadjordjeva schnitzel, a rolled pork tenderloin piped with molten mozzarella and provolone, then breaded and deep fried to a phallic crisp.

You’ll want to take these with a side of fries dusted with the Bosnian flavor enhancer vegeta, but you especially need his oyster-cremini, portobello-hon shimeji mushroom goulash, a tribute to the version his grandmother made after summer family foraging trips in the Serbian Kopaonik mountains.

You can cut the richness of all this with roasted hot and sweet pepper moravska salad, but please don’t fail to tip the scales back with a slice of the classic Serbian chocolate walnut reform torta.

Once again Milunovic has teamed up with his barkeep brother Marko, now behind the stick at Lazy Bird. He’s come up with a couple of aged plum brandy-based cocktails, one a riff on the classic Lion’s Tail, with chamomile-infused slivovitz and allspice and peach liqueur, the latter a sweet reminder of the fruit kompot the brothers drank as kids. The other is an egg-free sour with prune puree and chocolate bitters, a nod to the chocolate-enrobed fruit endemic after the plum season.

Order those at the bar, but preorder your food right now, right here. There will only be limited walk-in availability. Milunovic’s old Kiosk regulars keep asking him when he’s going to cook Balkan food again. They’ll be there for sure, so look alive. It all starts at 5 PM at Ludlow Liquors, 2959 N. California in Avondale.

Nemanja Milunovic in the Kiosk days Credit: Nick Murway for Chicago ReaderRead More

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night FoodballMike Sulaon January 11, 2023 at 8:39 pm Read More »

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night FoodballMike Sulaon January 11, 2023 at 8:39 pm

Have you eaten at Aba in the last year?

If you’ve taken a table at Lettuce Entertain You’s Israeli-ish Fulton Market concept, there’s a good chance the production and plating of your house-made stracciatella with sherry vinaigrette, truffle-baked orzo, or black garlic shrimp scampi was supervised by Nemanja Milunovic, one of the restaurant’s chefs de cuisine.

I bet they were spot-on perfect.

How do I know this? Milunovic is a consummate professional, a true chignón, and, prior to his current corporate gig, the chef behind the short-lived but brilliant Kiosk Balkan Street Food ghost kitchen.

Kiosk closed abruptly due to the sudden passing of Milunovic’s mom—just as his particular star was rising. When he returned from an extended mourning period in Serbia (with a pit stop in Istanbul), he had to find a steady gig—and he found it in the warm, stable embrace of the Lettuce empire. He’s been there all year, making sure every plate is perfect.

You know what you can’t eat at Aba? Milunovic’s extraordinary somun, the pillowy, tortoise-shell-shaped bread that distinguished each of Kiosk’s magnificent sandwiches, a kind of steroidal pita that formed the foundation of one of the undersung champions of the Great Chicken Sandwich Wars of 2021.

But you know where you can eat that crispy buttermilk-brined breast, topped with punchy cabbage salad, pickles, and the chili and goat cheese compound urnebes? At Ludlow Liquors in Avondale this January 23, when Milunovic takes over the kitchen for the 2023 season opener of Monday Night Foodball, the Reader’s weekly chef pop-up.

It’s fitting Milunovic is inaugurating our new home. It’s been nearly a year to the day since he opened the 2022 season at the Kedzie Inn, a triumphant event that’s haunted everyone who tasted his pizza burek, one of the best things I’d eaten last year.

No burek this time, but he’s bringing back a couple other unforgettable items from that enchanted night, such as the all-beef grilled cevapi, swaddled in somun with red pepper ajvar, and creamy kajmak cheese spread. He’s also serving up the iconic karadjordjeva schnitzel, a rolled pork tenderloin piped with molten mozzarella and provolone, then breaded and deep fried to a phallic crisp.

You’ll want to take these with a side of fries dusted with the Bosnian flavor enhancer vegeta, but you especially need his oyster-cremini, portobello-hon shimeji mushroom goulash, a tribute to the version his grandmother made after summer family foraging trips in the Serbian Kopaonik mountains.

You can cut the richness of all this with roasted hot and sweet pepper moravska salad, but please don’t fail to tip the scales back with a slice of the classic Serbian chocolate walnut reform torta.

Once again Milunovic has teamed up with his barkeep brother Marko, now behind the stick at Lazy Bird. He’s come up with a couple of aged plum brandy-based cocktails, one a riff on the classic Lion’s Tail, with chamomile-infused slivovitz and allspice and peach liqueur, the latter a sweet reminder of the fruit kompot the brothers drank as kids. The other is an egg-free sour with prune puree and chocolate bitters, a nod to the chocolate-enrobed fruit endemic after the plum season.

Order those at the bar, but preorder your food right now, right here. There will only be limited walk-in availability. Milunovic’s old Kiosk regulars keep asking him when he’s going to cook Balkan food again. They’ll be there for sure, so look alive. It all starts at 5 PM at Ludlow Liquors, 2959 N. California in Avondale.

Nemanja Milunovic in the Kiosk days Credit: Nick Murway for Chicago ReaderRead More

Nemanja and Marko Milunovic return to Monday Night FoodballMike Sulaon January 11, 2023 at 8:39 pm Read More »

Find a print copy of this week’s Chicago Reader

Distribution map

The Reader is published in print every other week and distributed free to the 1,100 locations on this map (which can also be opened in a separate window or tab). Copies are available free of charge—while supplies last.

The latest issue

The most recent issue is the issue of January 12, 2023. Distribution to locations began this morning, Wednesday, January 11, 2023, and continues through Thursday, January 12.

Download a free PDF of the print issue.

Many Reader boxes including downtown and transit line locations are restocked on the Wednesday following each issue date.

The next issue

The next print issue will be the issue of January 26, 2023. Distribution to locations will begin on Wednesday, January 25, 2023.

Never miss a copy! Paid print subscriptions are available for 12 issues, 26 issues, and for 52 issues from the Reader Store.

Chicago Reader print issue dates

The Chicago Reader is published in print every other week. Issues are dated Thursday. Distribution usually happens Wednesday morning through Thursday night of the issue date. Upcoming print issue dates through through June 2023 are:

1/26/2023
2/9/2023
2/23/2023
3/9/2023
3/23/2023
4/6/2023
4/20/2023
5/4/2023
5/18/2023
6/1/2023
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Related


Chicago Reader Nonprofit Guide 2022


Reader Institute for Community Journalism announces new board of directors


[PRESS RELEASE] The Museum of Contemporary Art Presents: 50ish, The UnGala

benefitting The Reader Institute for Community Journalism, Publisher of the Chicago Reader

Read More

Find a print copy of this week’s Chicago Reader Read More »

Find a print copy of this week’s Chicago ReaderChicago Readeron January 11, 2023 at 7:52 pm

Distribution map

The Reader is published in print every other week and distributed free to the 1,100 locations on this map (which can also be opened in a separate window or tab). Copies are available free of charge—while supplies last.

The latest issue

The most recent issue is the issue of January 12, 2023. Distribution to locations began this morning, Wednesday, January 11, 2023, and continues through Thursday, January 12.

Download a free PDF of the print issue.

Many Reader boxes including downtown and transit line locations are restocked on the Wednesday following each issue date.

The next issue

The next print issue will be the issue of January 26, 2023. Distribution to locations will begin on Wednesday, January 25, 2023.

Never miss a copy! Paid print subscriptions are available for 12 issues, 26 issues, and for 52 issues from the Reader Store.

Chicago Reader print issue dates

The Chicago Reader is published in print every other week. Issues are dated Thursday. Distribution usually happens Wednesday morning through Thursday night of the issue date. Upcoming print issue dates through through June 2023 are:

1/26/2023
2/9/2023
2/23/2023
3/9/2023
3/23/2023
4/6/2023
4/20/2023
5/4/2023
5/18/2023
6/1/2023
6/15/2023
6/29/2023

See our information page for advertising opportunities and editorial calendars of upcoming issues.

Related


Chicago Reader Nonprofit Guide 2022


Reader Institute for Community Journalism announces new board of directors


[PRESS RELEASE] The Museum of Contemporary Art Presents: 50ish, The UnGala

benefitting The Reader Institute for Community Journalism, Publisher of the Chicago Reader

Read More

Find a print copy of this week’s Chicago ReaderChicago Readeron January 11, 2023 at 7:52 pm Read More »

Bears’ GM Ryan Poles easily could be “blown away” by a college QB.

When a reporter asked Ryan Poles on Tuesday if he’d consider using the top pick in the draft on a quarterback, the Bears general manager said he’d have to be “absolutely blown away” by a college prospect to do it.

That calmed Justin Fields’ many fans, and possibly Fields himself, because the “experts” who rate college players for a living seem to think there isn’t a sure-thing superstar quarterback in the 2023 draft. Thus, the chances of Poles’ being blown away on draft day appeared to be remote. Bears fans could get back to worshiping at the altar of Justin.

But let’s keep in mind what a strange animal the NFL Draft is. It’s early January, the draft is in late April and in between is more than enough time for otherwise normal, clear-thinking talent evaluators to lose their minds. We’ve seen it over and over.

A drumbeat has started for Alabama quarterback Bryce Young to be the No. 1 overall pick. On Tuesday, ESPN’s Mike Tannenbaum, the former Jets general manager, gushed about Young, praising his physical ability and his intangibles. Know that when a football person starts talking about a college quarterback’s “intangibles,” it’s all over. It’s what led former Bears general manager Ryan Pace to trade up to take former Bears quarterback Mitch Trubisky with the second overall pick in 2017. The key word in the preceding sentence, used twice, is “former.”

Tannenbaum said the Bears should trade Fields and use the No. 1 pick on Young. What’s important here is not that Tannenbaum has this opinion. It’s that you can bet actual general managers, not just a former one, will eventually form the same opinion, if they haven’t already. At last glance, Poles was still an actual general manager.

All of Fields’ many fans, and possibly Fields himself, can start panicking now.

Something happens to NFL people when it comes to the draft and quarterbacks. Armed with the knowledge that the position is by far the most important in football and living with the reality that if they don’t find a good one they won’t have their jobs for long, GMs start seeing things. They start not seeing things, too. Young’s height, for example. He’s 6-foot, undersized for an NFL quarterback. This is a certainty: Whoever drafts the 2021 Heisman Trophy winner will say the kid’s height doesn’t matter. This from a league full of executives who measure everything as if a skyscraper’s structural integrity depends on it.

I’ve seen Young play multiple times the past two seasons. I’m not an expert, but I see a very good college quarterback who could be good in the NFL. That’s what I thought about Fields, who was a talented player surrounded by talented teammates at Ohio State. But would his skills translate in the NFL?

The more levelheaded among us are still asking the same question about Fields: Does he have the ability as a passer to excel in the league? We’re not sure yet and, even though Poles declared during a Tuesday press conference that Fields would be the Bears’ starting quarterback in 2023, it was clear from his comments that he believes Fields has a ton of growing to do as a passer.

What’s interesting here is the gap between what lots of Bears fans think — Fields is just about the greatest thing ever – and what others without emotional ties to Fields think — he hasn’t proven himself as a legitimate NFL quarterback.

The other thing that stands out here is the possibility the Bears would make their fanbase go through this again. How many times can you expect fans to throw themselves at a quarterback? It was love at first sight with Jay Cutler, Trubisky and Fields. I’m sure I’m forgetting one or two or a hundred others who were called “franchise” quarterbacks upon arrival in Chicago.

The Bears created the most recent monster, in a good way. They realized halfway through the season that Fields was really, really fast and really, really elusive. He was incredibly entertaining, so entertaining that fans stopped blaming former coach Matt Nagy for everything that was wrong with Fields and enjoyed the show.

The possibility the Bears would ask those fans to let go of Fields would be shocking if it weren’t for the reality that nobody and nothing is sacred in the NFL. Poles didn’t select Fields. Pace did. The No. 1 goal in the league is to win. The No. 2 goal is to keep your job. Winning means some job security. Poles cares about Fields in the context of whether the kid can help him win games and stay employed. That’s it. It’s business.

I think the Bears will hold on to Fields, but I’m a realist. I’m looking forward to finding out if Fields is a good quarterback, but I can do that if he’s in a Colts uniform, too.

Read More

Bears’ GM Ryan Poles easily could be “blown away” by a college QB. Read More »