The new details revealed for the first time Wednesday have elements that ring of a movie: a trusted ally of union boss Jimmy Hoffa gunned down after testifying about a corrupt governor selling prison pardons and a gunman who donned a wig and blackface to throw authorities off the scent.

CHATTANOOGA, Tenn. — A former Tennessee governor’s administration helped fund a contract murder of a key federal witness decades ago while embroiled in the state’s largest political scandal, law enforcement officials announced Wednesday.

The new details revealed for the first time Wednesday have elements that ring of a movie: a trusted ally of union boss Jimmy Hoffa gunned down after testifying about a corrupt governor selling prison pardons and a gunman who donned a wig and blackface to throw authorities off the scent.

Investigators in Hamilton County, which encompasses Chattanooga, have been chipping away at the 42-year-old cold case of Samuel Pettyjohn since they renewed their investigation in 2015. No new charges will be filed because all of the major players involved are now dead, but authorities say closing the case provides closure to one aspect of a complicated piece of Tennessee history.

Pettyjohn, a Chattanooga businessman and close friend of Hoffa, was fatally shot in 1979 in downtown Chattanooga after testifying before a federal grand jury during the early phases of Tennessee’s notorious “cash-for-clemency” scandal.

“Essentially, Mr. Pettyjohn cooperated with authorities and knew too much about what was going on locally, as well as the state level, and individuals didn’t like that and so individuals hired someone to murder him,” Hamilton County District Attorney Neal Pinkston said. “Here we are some 42 years later.”

The scandal ultimately led to the ousting of Democratic Gov. Ray Blanton, who was never indicted in the investigation — but three of his aides were. However, questions have lingered about the extent to which the governor’s administration actively worked to thwart the investigation. Officials say at least five witnesses in the case were murdered or killed themselves.

Pinkston told reporters that Pettyjohn would meet with inmates to indicate that money would help secure an early release from prison starting in 1976. Pettyjohn was joined by William Thompson, who had been involved in Blanton’s election campaign and would later be convicted in the cash-for-clemency scandal.

According to Pinkston, Pettyjohn and Thompson would drop payments off at the governor’s office in the Capitol.

As federal investigators began examining whether the governor’s office was exchanging cash for parole, Pettyjohn was subpoenaed to testify about the ongoing scheme. Pettyjohn eventually agreed to cooperate with FBI agents, even going as far as providing a list of people who made payments to the governor’s office for the early release of certain prisoners.

Shortly after, Pettyjohn was killed in what authorities describe as an “execution style hit.” Witnesses told authorities that they saw a Black man in a trench coat exiting Pettyjohn’s store. Meanwhile, Pettyjohn was found with his pistol nearby, which had not been fired, and more than $100,000 on him.

According to Pinkston, Ed Alley — a known bank robber who died in 2005 in federal prison — was hired by several sources to kill Pettyjohn. Pinkston said those sources included an undisclosed third party who paid some of the contract money on behalf of the Blanton administration. The estimated total murder price was between $25,000 and $50,000.

“I’m very sure. I’m proof positive,” Pinkston said when asked how certain he was that the Blanton administration helped pay for Pettyjohn’s murder.

Officials say Alley, who was white, wore a wig, glasses and covered his skin in heavy brown makeup to deceive any witnesses.

“Cooperating individuals indicated Alley admitted Pettyjohn was murdered for various reasons including he was a source of cooperation for the FBI in investigations of Gov. Ray Blanton,” according to findings from a Hamilton County grand jury.

The grand jury concluded that if Alley were alive today, he would be charged with first-degree premeditated murder of Pettyjohn.

Mike Mathis, supervisor of Hamilton County’s cold case unit, acknowledged that it was highly unusual for a prosecutor’s office to pursue a grand jury when most of the involved parties were dead but said the county chose to do so for the first time it because “it gives you a legal closing.”

Saadiq Pettyjohn, one of Samuel Pettyjohn’s sons, said his mother often described his father as someone with a “heart of gold” and “very generous, giving person,” while acknowledging his father was associated with criminal activity. Authorities say Pettyjohn was part of an organized effort to blow up a building to collect insurance payouts, but he was never brought to trial due to his untimely death.

“It’s a curse and a blessing to grow up in a family that’s connected to crime,” he added. “When that person dies, you can go that route or you can go a different route; all of us chose to try to do better in our lives.”

Blanton, who died in 1996, had sparked outrage after he pardoned and commuted prison terms for more than 50 state inmates in the waning days of his gubernatorial term. Blanton’s fellow Democrats worked with Republicans in the Legislature to move up the inauguration of his Republican successor, Lamar Alexander, by three days.

Blanton was never charged in the scandal, but in 1981, he was convicted of unrelated charges of extortion and conspiracy for selling a liquor license for $23,000 to a friend while in office.

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Political insiders say former state Treasurer Alexi Giannoulias has important early leads in endorsements and fundraising in the secretary of state’s race. Chicago City Clerk Anna Valencia has also won crucial endorsements. But observers agree the race remains anyone’s game.

Though it shares a title with one of the top posts in the U.S. president’s cabinet, the Illinois secretary of state’s office shares none of the prestigious responsibilities of its federal namesake.

Instead of international diplomacy or foreign policy intrigue, the state office deals largely with driver’s licenses and license plates.

Nevertheless, presiding over that state office is one of the most coveted prizes in Illinois politics.

“Next to being governor, that’s the biggest political office statewide,” said former Republican Gov. Jim Edgar.

And winning that political plum typically involves plenty of Illinois domestic intrigue and campaign intelligence — if lesser amounts of diplomacy.

Right now, five Democrats are already waging a pitched battle to succeed retiring Illinois Secretary of State Jesse White — who, despite the rather mundane tasks involved, was regularly one of the Democrats’ top vote getters.

Political insiders say former state Treasurer Alexi Giannoulias is leading the pack, racking up crucial endorsements and building the strongest political war chest. He is closely followed by Chicago City Clerk Anna Valencia, who has won her own share of endorsements, but in the money contest has so far been outraised by Giannoulias more than five-to-one.

“Alexi has kind of set the curve and changed the standard for this race,” said Dave Mellet, a political consultant who helped Mayor Lori Lightfoot win office and is not aligned with any candidate in the secretary of state’s race.

“I think Anna Valencia — with the cash on hand she has and the money that she’s raised — she’s doing all the things that you would expect somebody running for a down ballot, statewide office to do and she’s doing it well. It’s just really hard to be in the field against somebody who has that much money and is able to raise that well.”

But while the race is off to “very fast pace,” Mellet said it’s still anyone’s to win.

Rounding out the field are Aldermen Pat Dowell (3rd) and David Moore (17th) and state Sen. Michael Hastings, D-Tinley Park.

So far, no Republicans have entered the race.

One of the allures of the office is its potential to serve as a political stepping stone.

Edgar, a former Illinois secretary of state who parlayed his tenure into a successful gubernatorial bid, said the current crop of candidates may be looking to do the same, since the office offers plenty of the tools to do so, from jobs to fill to publicity to take advantage of.

“You also have respect throughout the state, your name — next to the governor’s — is the most visible name in state government, because you’re on every body’s driver’s license,” Edgar said. “There’s a lot of political advantages.”

Giannoulias already likely has the best statewide name recognition in the field, having served one term as state treasurer and waging an unsuccessful, but high profile, run for U.S. Senate ten years ago.

He’s got the money advantage — roughly $2.4 million, state board of election records show. And he’s bagged early support from the SEIU Illinois State Council, which will mean more money and boots on the ground.

The council includes SEIU Locals 1 and SEIU Healthcare Illinois & Indiana, which have an ownership stake in the Chicago Sun-Times.

Just as important, Giannoulias won the support of U.S. Rep. Jesus “Chuy” Garcia.

The Southwest Side Democratic congressman’s endorsement over Valencia, the only Latina in the field so far, could give Giannoulias a boost among Hispanic voters and progressives.

Edgar said getting those larger endorsements is especially important in a Democratic primary, where turnout is likely to be lower and “name recognition is the name of the game here.”

But Giannoulias’ early advantages don’t “guarantee he’s going to win it,” Edgar said, pointing all the “unknowns” that will determine how the race pans out.

“How they campaign and how the turnout is,” the former governor said. “Turnout is so important in a primary, because it’s somewhat sparse.”

In fundraising, Hastings is a distant second to Giannoulias. The state senator had $604,001.46 in the bank at the end of March. Valencia had $428,236.18.

Neither Hastings nor Valencia have reported any new contributions since then.

Dowell had just $67,880.79 on hand on March 31, and has raised $218,500 since then, meaning she likely has nearly $286,380.79 at her disposal. Moore had $73,986.58 on hand on March 31 and has added $2,500 since then.

Moore had $73,986.58 on hand and has added just $1,000 since then.

Giannoulias had $2,104,762 in the bank at the end of March and has raised $303,500 since then.

Cook County Clerk Karen Yarbrough, who weighed a run for the office herself but opted to support Dowell instead, said the race is “very fluid,” and while Democrats have a “good crop of candidates,” there’s also “a long row to hoe” from now until the primary.

“I think it’s early and I’ve seen lots of things happen over the course of an election cycle, but this one will be a long, drawn out process now,” said Yarbrough, who also represents Proviso Township in the party’s ranks and is a member of their statewide selection committee.

Mellet also stressed it’s too early to tell how the race will shake out. The Democratic consultant said Giannoulias’ stocked war chest means he “doesn’t have to pinch pennies” and will be able to “sprint and force everyone to run as fast as they can behind him.”

That could mean early TV ads from Giannoulias in an effort to cement the lead.

But Valencia’s profile — a Latina from downstate who has City Hall experience, and name recognition, in Chicago — could help her overcome the early money imbalance, Mellet said.

Valencia was endorsed Wednesday by the national group Latino Victory Fund and has also received some union support and the early backing of Democratic U.S. Rep. Lauren Underwood.

Dowell has shown an ability to raise money and a willingness to get around the state and meet local elected officials, a strategy that could see her rise as the race continues, Mellet said.

“Women, especially diverse women, have done really well in recent years, and this is a primary, and women are breaking through,” Mellet said.

Dowell has also taken a page out of White’s playbook — promising not to use the office as a stepping stone.

And she’s shown a willingness to mix it up on the campaign trail. The South Side alderman took a shot at Giannoulias for his 2014 endorsement of Republican Tom Cross for state treasurer.

Giannoulias brushed that off in a Cook County Democratic Party forum Saturday, saying he was just saying “good things” about the Oswego Republican, and “no one should question my commitment to the Democratic party.”

The Cook County Democratic Party is likely to endorse in the race in December, said executive director Jacob Kaplan.

And White, who won all 102 counties in 2002, said in a statement he doesn’t yet have a preferred candidate in the already “strong field.”

But the Near North Side Democrat plans to “keep the option open to making an endorsement at some point.”

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Chicago White Sox’s third baseman, Yoan Moncada, had a difficult time last season with his performance after contracting the COVID-19 virus but he has reverted to his old ways this season. Moncada had the virus early last season during the shortened stint of the 2020 MLB season. Moncada played 52 games out of the 60 […]

White Sox: Yoan Moncada’s comeback season is because of one thing – Da Windy City – Da Windy City – A Chicago Sports Site – Bears, Bulls, Cubs, White Sox, Blackhawks, Fighting Illini & More

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He’s far more than a gadget player. Williams is talented enough to become an essential piece in Matt Nagy’s offense.

Few players stir as much intrigue in the Bears’ offense as Damien Williams, the newly arrived running back who was last seen turning the field into his own pyrotechnic show as the Chiefs won Super Bowl LIV.

In theory, Williams is exactly the type of threat who can add some punch to an offense that spent the last two seasons sleepwalking. He totaled 1,001 yards from scrimmage in 14 games (playoffs included) in 2019 before opting out of last season amid the pandemic. He runs with power and speed, plus he offers coach Matt Nagy an option in the slot or out wide.

“He’s very well rounded,” Nagy said Wednesday. “It’s just a really good fit. The [Kansas City] coaches spoke really well of him… and Damien’s come in here like a true pro and just digested everything that we’re doing.

“He’s a great complement to what we’re trying to do. It’ll be fun when we get to the preseason to see how all these guys do, but there’s a really good vibe right now.”

Good vibes have been hard to detect from the running back at times over the past two seasons.

David Montgomery didn’t post a 100-yard game until Thanksgiving weekend, and the Cordarrelle Patterson experiment produced just 3.6 yards per carry. Tarik Cohen tore his ACL in Week 3.

Beyond those headliners, the collection of Ryan Nall, Artavis Pierce and Lamar Miller totaled 34 yards for the season.

Enter Williams, highly talented and highly motivated. After stepping away following a career year, he’s on a one-year, $1.1 million contract at 29 — a more prudent move, by the way, than general manager Ryan Pace’s two-year, $10 million commitment to Patterson.

He’s good enough to take some of the load off Montgomery and give Nagy an alternative if a starting wide receiver like Anthony Miller isn’t getting the job done. He’s much more than a gadget player.

Williams made the Dolphins’ roster as an undrafted rookie out of Oklahoma in 2014 and turned a corner when former Bears offensive coordinator Adam Gase came aboard as head coach. He averaged 5.6 yards per touch over the 2016 and ’17 seasons, enticing the Chiefs to scoop him up in free agency.

Here’s a rule of thumb for the Bears: If Andy Reid likes a player, so does Nagy. So when the Chiefs moved on in favor of first-round pick Clyde Edwards-Helaire and cut Williams in March, the Bears were eager to pounce. And Williams was eager to play in a relatively familiar scheme.

“Coming here and having the same system, same plays, it was easy for me,” he said.

Williams worried that taking a year off at this stage could cost him his career, but felt it was necessary because his mother has been battling cancer. He watched last season on TV uneasily as he plotted his return.

He started training again about halfway through last season and was full-speed when the Bears began Organized Team Activities last week. So far, so good. His speed has been evident the last two weeks, and he had several good runs Wednesday.

“That whole year was… man,” he said. “Being home and watching it really made me feel like this was something I wanted to do as long as possible — until the wheels fall off. I wasn’t ready to sit down at home.

“I feel like one of the rookie kids. First day back, new guy in the building — I’m just embracing it all right now.”

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Kelly’s leading defense attorneys threw a wrench into the case earlier this week when they asked to withdraw from the case two months before trial. Other members of the legal team say they were fired.

R&B superstar R. Kelly confirmed for a judge Wednesday that he wants to move forward with his federal racketeering trial in New York without the Chicago-based attorneys who had been leading his defense.

U.S. District Judge Ann Donnelly did not immediately rule during a status hearing Wednesday on a request from defense attorneys Steve Greenberg and Mike Leonard to withdraw from the case.

However, the judge asked Kelly directly whether he wanted to move forward with two other members of his legal team, Thomas Farinella, of New York, and Nicole Blank Becker, of Michigan.

“Absolutely, yes ma’am, your honor,” Kelly said.

The singer began to say more, telling the judge, “I apologize for the confusion. I’m thankful that you’re giving me a chance to say something about it.”

But the judge decided to cut off the conversation, telling lawyers to instead file paperwork further explaining the situation.

Meanwhile, Farinella told the judge, “We’re prepared to move forward with trial,” which is set for Aug. 9.

Greenberg and Leonard threw a wrench into the case earlier this week when they asked Monday to withdraw two months before the trial date. Other members of the legal team say the men were fired, though.

Greenberg wrote in a letter to the judge that, “Our reasons for withdrawal are significant and it is impossible, in our belief, for us to be able to continue to properly represent Mr. Kelly under the current circumstances.”

Though Greenberg didn’t go into further detail in his letter, a dispute over trial responsibilities apparently played a role in the conflict. Greenberg told the Chicago Sun-Times that Farinella and Becker had sought greater roles in Kelly’s Brooklyn trial.

During Wednesday’s hearing, Greenberg said, “Frankly, everyone wants to be first chair.”

Greenberg and Leonard also wrote in text messages to the Sun-Times this week that they only felt comfortable giving significant trial responsibilities to lawyers who had substantial jury trial experience in federal court.

Farinella and Becker declined to comment Monday other than to say Kelly had fired Greenberg and Leonard before their letter to the judge was filed. Greenberg said he’d given prosecutors a heads up about the move earlier in the day. But Wednesday, he acknowledged that Kelly sent him an email after the Monday letter saying he did not want Greenberg and Leonard to continue their work on the case.

Kelly is charged in Brooklyn with racketeering. His indictment there alleges he led an “enterprise” made up of his managers, bodyguards, drivers and other employees who helped him recruit women and girls for sex.

A separate indictment in Chicago charges Kelly with child pornography and obstruction of justice. It alleges he thwarted his 2008 prosecution in Cook County with threats, gifts and six-figure payoffs.

Kelly, 54, has been held in Chicago’s downtown Metropolitan Correctional Center since his arrest in July 2019, though authorities have recently said they would be preparing to move him to New York for trial.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Elizabeth Geddes said Wednesday that paperwork had been filed, but she said Kelly’s attorneys “would like him to remain in Chicago for as long as possible.”

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David Eigenberg of ‘Chicago Fire’ is set to revive his role as Miranda’s bartending husband.

Even after his nine seasons on “Chicago Fire,” David Eigenberg for some viewers will forever be Steve Brady, Miranda Hobbes’ ardent admirer, baby daddy and eventual husband on “Sex and the City.”

Soon he will return to the role on “And Just Like That …,” the “SATC” sequel series on HBO Max, the streaming service announced Wednesday.

Most of the “Sex and the City” cast is returning for the new chapter, including Cynthia Nixon as Miranda, Sarah Jessica Parker as Carrie, Kristin Davis as Charlotte and Chris Noth as “Mr. Big.” A notable exception is Kim Cattrall, who played Samantha on the series and its two big-screen movies. who has been vocal about her unhappy memories of the show and said she outgrew the role.

Eigenberg was one of several cast members whose comebacks were announced Wednesday, including Mario Cantone as Anthony, Willie Garson as Stanford and Evan Handler as Charlotte’s husband Harry.

Production on “And Just Like That…” is scheduled to begin this summer in New York

On “Chicago Fire,” Eigenberg plays longtime firefighter and family man Christopher Herrmann. Like Steve, he owns a fictitious bar, the first-responder hangout Molly’s in Bucktown.

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The report released Wednesday by the Interior Department’s inspector general concludes that the protesters were cleared by U.S. Park Police last June 1 so that a contractor could get started installing new fencing.

WASHINGTON — An internal government investigation has determined that the decision to forcibly clear racial justice protesters from an area in front of the White House last summer was not influenced by then-President Donald Trump’s plan to stage a Bible-toting photo opportunity at that spot.

The report released Wednesday by the Interior Department’s inspector general concludes that the protesters were cleared by U.S. Park Police last June 1 so that a contractor could get started installing new fencing.

The demonstrators were protesting the death of George Floyd, who died after a then-Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck and pinned him to the ground for about 9 1/2 minutes. A half-hour after the Washington protesters were forced from the area with pepper pellets and flash-bangs, Trump walked across Lafayette Park amid the lingering scent of pepper spray and delivered a short speech while holding a Bible in front of St. John’s Church.

Park Police officials had already planned to clear the area and “had begun implementing the operational plan several hours before they knew of a potential Presidential visit to the park,” Inspector General Mark Lee Greenblatt said in a statement accompanying the report.

The report documents Trump’s attorney general, William Barr, encouraging commanders shortly before the push to clear the protesters because of Trump, but being dismissed.

In a remarkable exchange, the report recounts the testimony of an unnamed Park Police operations commander: “The Attorney General asked him, ‘Are these people still going to be here when POTUS (President of the United States) comes out?’ The USPP operations commander told us he had not known until then that the President would be coming out of the White House and into Lafayette Park. He said he replied to the Attorney General, ‘Are you freaking kidding me?’ and then hung his head and walked away. The Attorney General then left Lafayette Park.”

The report determined that the decision to clear the protesters was justified, but that law enforcement agencies on the scene failed to effectively communicate with each other and failed to communicate warnings to the protesters about the impending crackdown. Several different law enforcement agencies moved ahead of schedule and started engaging with protesters before the protesters had been sufficiently warned.

The confrontation and church photo-op capped several days of escalating tension and scattered violence. Nights of protests over Floyd’s death had resulted in scattered vandalism through the downtown area. Trump declared that Washington’s mayor, Muriel Bowser, was incapable of maintaining the peace and he called in his own security response.

The report details how on June 1, a contingent from the Bureau of Prisons arrived to the scene late, didn’t receive a full briefing and used pepper pellets on protesters “contrary to the USPP incident commander’s instructions.”

The conclusions, which deny any political influence on decisions and cite fog-of-war confusion for any missteps, are likely to be dismissed as insufficient by critics of last summer’s crackdown.

Lafayette Park, the Washington nexus of the last summer’s national wave of racial justice protests, is under Park Police jurisdiction; that agency falls under the Interior Department.

The new report focuses on the Park Police decision-making and its complicated interactions with various law enforcement entities, including the Secret Service and the Metropolitan Police Department.

It points out that “the USPP and the Secret Service did not use a shared radio channel to communicate” and determines that “weaknesses in communication and coordination may have contributed to confusion during the operation.”

The report tries to explain one of the main points of lingering contention: who used tear gas and when? It concludes that members of the city’s police department, who were stationed down the block, used CS gas near the corner of 17th and H Street.

In the aftermath of that day, the Park Police repeatedly insisted that its officers never used tear gas, while the the police insisted that its officers were not involved in clearing protesters away from the church. Just last month, lawyers for the police department stated in federal court that its officers had used CS gas and other chemical irritants, claiming protesters had become violent and that one officer had his arm burned by a firework.

Much of the criticism of the clearing, and the accusations of political influence, stem from the decision to move in before the 7 p.m. curfew that Bowser had set. The push surprised protesters and was criticized as unnecessarily confrontational after two nights of clashes and property damage.

The report concludes that Park Police commanders viewed the curfew as irrelevant. It cites an incident commander as saying, “We were not enforcing the Mayor’s curfew. We’re a Federal entity. We don’t work directly for the Mayor.”

It continues that commanders on the scene ”did not believe protesters would comply with the Mayor’s June 1 curfew order or that waiting would necessarily reduce unrest.”

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The panel, whose existence was confirmed to The AP by four people familiar with it, was set up in response to Ronald Greene’s death as well as three other violent stops of Black men.

BATON ROUGE, La. — The same Louisiana State Police unit whose troopers stunned, punched and dragged Ronald Greene on video during a deadly 2019 arrest is now under internal investigation by a secret panel over whether its officers are systematically targeting Black motorists for abuse.

The panel, whose existence was confirmed to The Associated Press by four people familiar with it, was set up in response to Greene’s death as well as three other violent stops of Black men: one who was punched, stunned and hoisted to his feet by his hair braids in a body-camera video obtained by the AP, another who was beaten after he was handcuffed, and yet another who was slammed 18 times with a flashlight.

“Every time I told him to stop he’d hit me again,” said Aaron Bowman, whose flashlight pummeling left him with three broken ribs, a broken jaw, a broken wrist and a gash to his head that required six staples to close. “I don’t want to see this happen to nobody — not to my worst enemy.”

The panel began working a few weeks ago to review thousands of body-camera videos over the past two years involving as many as a dozen white troopers, at least four of whom were involved in Greene’s arrest.

The review is focused on Louisiana State Police Troop F, a 66-officer unit that patrols a sprawling territory in the northeastern part of the state and has become notorious in recent years for alleged acts of brutality that have resulted in felony charges against some of its troopers.

“You’d be naïve to think it’s limited to two or three instances. That’s why you’re seeing this audit, which is a substantial undertaking by any agency,” said Rafael Goyeneche, a former prosecutor who is president of the Metropolitan Crime Commission, a New Orleans-based watchdog group. “They’ve got to identify these people and remove them from the organization.”

Other than the federal civil rights investigation into Greene’s death, the state police panel is the only known inquiry into possible systemic abuse and racism by its troopers.

Its seven members, drawn from officials from across the State Police, are not only scouring the videos for signs of excessive force, the people told the AP, but also examining whether troopers showed racist tendencies in their traffic stops and pursuits, and whether they mislabeled body-camera videos, turned off their cameras or used other means to hide evidence from internal investigators.

It’s not clear if the panel has a deadline or if it plans to expand the inquiry to the eight other troops in the 1,200-officer state police.

The State Police did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Secrecy has permeated the Greene case from the beginning.

Soon after Greene’s May 10, 2019, death, troopers told his relatives he died in a crash following a chase on a rural road near Monroe. Later, State Police issued a one-page statement saying that troopers struggled with Greene during his arrest and that he died on the way to the hospital.

For more than two years, Louisiana officials from Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards down rebuffed repeated requests to release the body-camera video of Greene’s arrest.

But that changed last month after the AP released footage it obtained showing troopers converging on Greene’s car, repeatedly jolting the 49-year-old unarmed man with stun guns, putting him in a chokehold, striking him in the head and dragging him by his ankle shackles. Greene can be heard apologizing to the officers, telling them he is scared and moaning and gasping for air.

One 30-minute clip, which a supervisor denied having for two years, shows troopers ordering the heavyset Greene to remain facedown with his hands and feet restrained for more than nine minutes — a tactic use-of-force experts criticized as dangerous and likely to have restricted his breathing.

An autopsy report obtained by AP lists Greene’s cause of death as “cocaine induced agitated delirium complicated by motor vehicle collision, physical struggle, inflicted head injury and restraint.”

No troopers have been charged in Greene’s arrest. Trooper Kory York, who was seen dragging Greene, was suspended without pay for 50 hours. Master Trooper Chris Hollingsworth, who was recorded on his body camera bragging that he “beat the ever-living f—” out of Greene, was told he would be fired last year just hours before he died in single-vehicle car crash.

While none of the other beatings that prompted the broader review of Troop F resulted in deaths, all led to felony charges against some of the troopers involved. And like Greene, all the suspects were driving alone, were unarmed and didn’t appear to resist after troopers closed in.

State police have not released body-camera video of any those cases, but AP obtained footage from the May 2020 arrest of Antonio Harris, who sped away from a traffic stop and led troopers through rural Richland Parish at speeds topping 150 mph before his car was finally stopped with a spike strip.

He can clearly be seen on the video surrendering next to a cornfield by lying on the ground with his arms and legs outstretched before at least seven officers converged.

Dakota DeMoss, a trooper involved in the Greene arrest, can be seen striking Harris in the face and later, after he was handcuffed, yanking him onto his feet by his dreadlocks. Another trooper, George Harper, uses a fist reinforced by his flashlight to punch Harris in the head and threatens to “punish” him while Trooper Jacob Brown pulls the man’s hair.

An unidentified officer also can be seen in the footage shocking Harris with a stun gun.

“I hope you act up when we get to the f——— jail,” Harper can be heard saying. “What the f—— is wrong with you, stupid motherf——-.”

Internal investigators found that troopers produced “wholly untrue” reports saying Harris resisted and that they sought to conceal the existence of body-camera video. Troopers also exchanged 14 text messages peppered with “lol” and “haha” in which they boasted about the beating.

“He gonna be sore tomorrow for sure,” Brown texted. “Warms my heart knowing we could educate that young man.”

State police arrested Brown, Harper and DeMoss on charges of simple battery and malfeasance in Harris’ case.

Another beating happened in late May 2019 — 20 days after Greene’s death — when a Ouachita Parish deputy sheriff tried to pull over Bowman for a traffic violation a block from his Monroe home. The deputy reported that Bowman failed to pull over and continued into his driveway, where he was ordered out of his vehicle.

Brown, the trooper charged in the Harris incident, quickly responded to the arrest and, according to court documents, can be seen on his own body-camera video pummeling Bowman with a flashlight designed for shattering car glass, striking him 18 times as he was being handcuffed and not resisting.

“I thought I was going to die that night — I bled so much,” Bowman told the AP. “It’s hard to deal with. I can’t function half of the time. It’s just hard for me to think now.”

For months, state police were not aware footage of Bowman’s arrest existed because Brown misclassified it and failed to document any use of force, according to court records. Brown was charged with aggravated battery and malfeasance.

Brown also faces charges in yet another beating of a Black motorist — the July 2019 arrest of Morgan Blake, who was pulled over for a traffic violation on Interstate 20 in Ouachita Parish.

Troopers said Blake had 13 pounds of marijuana concealed in a locked compartment of the vehicle and was taken into custody. At some point, he complained that his handcuffs were too tight, and Brown took him to the ground.

Body-worn camera captured Trooper Randall Dickerson punching Blake five times and kneeing him. State Police determined that Blake “was not resisting, attempting to escape or being aggressive,” and that the troopers failed to document their use of force in any reports.

Dickerson and Brown were charged with simple battery and malfeasance.

The American Civil Liberties Union of Louisiana on Wednesday called for a “top-to-bottom federal investigation” of the State Police.

“This is not a matter of a few bad apples,” the group said, “this is a systemic issue that demands a systemic and transparent response.”

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Visiting friends or family out in the suburbs? Heading out of the city over the weekend? Leaving Chicago doesn’t mean leaving great food behind― you still have plenty of great restaurants in Hoffman Estates to enjoy! 

Lucky Monk

105 Hollywood Blvd, Barrington IL 60010

This “Burger, Pizzo & Beer Company” in South Barrington offers its own house brews in addition to a wide selection of other beers from around the world. Balance out your booze with a Margherita pizza or a Peppercorn Bleu burger and you’re all set.

The Assembly

2570 Hassell Rd, Hoffman Estates IL 60169

Summon your crew for a night at this American bar and cafe. Along with gourmet burgers, sandwiches, and an assortment of “house favorites,” diners can also partake of The Assembly’s extensive beer and wine menu.

Kitakata Ramen Ban Nai

1129 N Roselle Rd, Hoffman Estates IL 60169

With a culinary history tied closely to its origins in Japan, Kitakata Ramen Ban Nai’s ramen is characterized by a “flat, wide and hand-crumpled curly noodle” as well as a “clear but flavorful broth.” Start off with gyoza or a Ban Nai bun before you try the main event― a bowl of ramen.

Apple Villa Pancakes

3101 Barrington Rd, Hoffman Estates IL 60192

For those of us who want the option to eat breakfast at all times, there’s Apple Villa. This traditional breakfast restaurant serves omelettes, skillets, pancakes, waffles, crepes, french toast, and more(!).

Daruma Restaurant

1823 W Golf Rd, Schaumburg IL 60194

This Japanese restaurant offers noodle dishes and other dinner entrees, but one particular attraction here is the sushi list. Bring your friends and order rolls or pieces à la carte to go with some sake.

Region Kitchen and Bar

718 W Northwest Hwy, Barrington IL 60010

Built on the expertise of longtime chef Dave Perlick, Region’s goal is “to exceed your gastronomic expectations every visit.” With a variety of small plates (like lobster mac n cheese) and large plates (including the Kansas beef short rib), Region is always ready to bring something surprising to the table.

QP

830 N Roselle Rd, Hoffman Estates IL 60169

Describing itself as “Greek food with a kick,” QP serves ribs and chops “the Greek way,” as well as a bevy of starters and “QP Greek Secrets”― a section of its menu which includes spinach pie, baked Greek meatballs, and more.

Go Goo Ma

1606 W Algonquin Rd, Hoffman Estates IL 60192

Korean restaurant Go Goo Ma not only serves authentic Korean food, but also has pictures of its dishes on the wall for the new and uninitiated diner. Favorite meals of Go Goo Ma customers have included the Kimchi Jjigae and Chicken Dole-Sote Bibimbap. 

Restaurants Hoffman Estates Featured Image Credit: Village of Hoffman Estates on Facebook

The post 8 Great Restaurants in Hoffman Estates, IL appeared first on UrbanMatter.

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