Protesters fight on the steps of the Kenosha County Courthouse on Wednesday. | Ashlee Rezin/Sun-Times

We fear too many people will see the acquittal as support for those who want to pick up guns and insert themselves into highly charged situations of unrest. That dangerously undermines the idea that we are a nation with respect for institutions and the rule of law.

Now that the Kyle Rittenhouse trial is over, let’s ask ourselves: What might have happened had numerous people on both sides of the political divide showed up at the Kenosha protests that night with military-style weapons?

That’s the risk we as a nation now run. Rittenhouse’s “not guilty” verdict could easily embolden and encourage gun-toting civilians to carry frighteningly powerful weapons on our streets and at gathering places, under the guise of supposedly protecting “law and order.”

This is more than playing with fire. It’s a situation that could, at it worst, invite incendiary immolation of the social order should protests turn into firefights across our country. Wiser heads must step in.

Last year, Rittenhouse took an AR-15-style assault rifle and a medical kit to Kenosha, Wisconsin. He crossed state lines from Antioch, Illinois, saying he did so to protect businesses and give first aid after protests and unrest reached their third night after the police shooting of Jacob Blake.

Rittenhouse, then 17, shot and killed two people and wounded a third. On Friday, Rittenhouse was acquitted on all counts.

It was alarming that so many people announced ahead of time they would not accept a verdict unless it matched their favored outcome. People overlaid the trial with their own opinions, ranging from seeing a vigilante who went to Kenosha intent on hunting people, to a hero who used a weapon to stand up to violence. The trial was yet another example of how hard it has become for Americans to bridge their differences along the political spectrum.

Armed warfare on our streets?

Wisconsin, like 20 other states, is “open carry,” meaning most people can walk around with guns in public at will. People with guns have begun showing up with firearms at public protests across the country. This time, it was Rittenhouse carrying an AR-15-like rifle.

What if, next time, many more gun-toting people show up at a violent demonstration displaying their own firearms? Is open warfare between civilians our future?

Advocates of widespread gun-carrying would have you believe the only way to stop a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun. How does that apply to the Rittenhouse case? To judge by social media, a number of people saw him as the “good guy” with the gun. They refuse to acknowledge that if he hadn’t brought a weapon to Kenosha, in all likelihood no one would have been shot or died that night.

They apparently think it’s OK for armed mobs to share public spaces with peaceful protesters. They’re wrong. People can claim they are shooting in self-defense, but they might easily be seen by others as active shooters — which is what prosecutors alleged happened in the Rittenhouse case.

How safe did Rittenhouse’s gun make him or anyone else? How safe did Gaige Grosskreutz’s — the man Rittenhouse wounded — gun make him? Had he not drawn it, he might not have been shot in the arm. When everyone is armed, everyone’s life is at risk.

We’ve seen police make deadly hair-trigger mistakes time and again over the years, even with all their experience and training. What makes anyone think an untrained minor could do a better job? Why would anyone think armed individuals with their own agendas will follow the law faithfully? What will happen if self-appointed guardians of justice arm themselves with military-style weapons and roam the streets? Will they set up their own checkpoints, like occupants of nations with broken governments? Will they battle other groups? Or police?

What will happen if self-appointed guardians of justice arm themselves with military-style weapons and roam the streets?

These are not exaggerated questions. Given America’s gun-toting culture, they are more than valid.

Respect for the rule of law

Legal observers have for months warned us not to be surprised if the jury returns a verdict of not guilty on the most serious charges. Now that the jury has acquitted Rittenhouse on all counts, we fear too many people will see the verdict as support for those who want to pick up guns and insert themselves into highly charged arenas of unrest.

That dangerously undermines the idea that we are a nation with respect for institutions and the rule of law.

We have already heard a man at an Idaho political event ask, “This is tyranny. When do we get to use the guns? No, and I’m not — that’s not a joke.” We already saw a Missouri couple who brandished guns at Black Lives Matter protesters show up outside the Rittenhouse trial. So did a demonstrator carrying an AR-15 rifle.

Guns, except in the hands of sworn officers, should never be carried to places of public disturbance. Unless all of us follow that rule, we fear for the safety of our nation’s future.

Send letters to [email protected].

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Ravens quarterback Lamar Jackson has started 46 games for coach John Harbaugh. | Photo by Todd Olszewski/Getty Images

Over the next eight games, Justin Fields will have to prove so dynamic that changing the support system around him would seem ludicrous.

John Harbaugh was on his way to getting fired.

His 4-5 Ravens had lost to the Steelers in their last game before the 2018 bye — sound familiar? — when he was asked about an NFL Network report saying he could get canned during the off week.

“I’ve never been somebody that ever worried about keeping a job,” Harbaugh said. “It’s always been, for me, dealing with a job. I feel really good about the way this team has been coached for the last 11 years. No regrets.”

The finality sounded fitting. In the five full seasons since leading the Ravens to the Super Bowl, Harbaugh was exactly .500. Before the 2018 season, Ravens owner Steve Bisciotti considered firing Harbaugh but settled on adding one more season to his one-year contract, saving him the embarrassment of lame-duck status.

Harbaugh survived the bye — and played his final card. With starter Joe Flacco nursing a hip injury, Harbaugh gave rookie Lamar Jackson — who had been coming off the bench in run-first packages — his first NFL start.

Three years ago Thursday, Jackson threw for 150 yards and ran for 117 in his first start, beginning of the great rookie runs in NFL history. Jackson rattled off wins in six of his seven starts — the lone loss came in overtime — and the Ravens won their division.

A month after that, Harbaugh got a four-year contract extension.

There’s a lesson there for Bears coach Matt Nagy, even though he lacks the clout of a Super Bowl champion head coach. The only surefire way Nagy can keep his job is for his quarterback to wow the NFL in the final half of his rookie season. Over the next eight games, Justin Fields will have to prove so dynamic that changing the support system around him would seem ludicrous.

Otherwise, Nagy faces an uphill climb. His decision to play Andy Dalton exclusively with the starters in training camp hurt Fields’ learning curve. The Bears’ defense, propped up as one of the league’s best during Nagy’s tenure, ranks No. 23 in points per game allowed. It will only get worse with Khalil Mack out for the year.

The team is in the midst of their third losing streak of at least four games in as many years.

“The only way to get back to it is to say, ‘OK, why is this going on?'” Nagy said. “It’s no one’s fault other than everybody’s. Now we pick the pieces up and we get a chance to play a great football team that’s really well coached, at home. And what are we gonna do about it?”

Oddsmakers certainly think it’s somebody’s fault. Many moved Nagy past Jaguars coach Urban Meyer as the most likely coach to be fired next.

Fields can change that.

“You look at Justin right now, and how he’s improving as a quarterback in this offense, you can certainly start there … ” Nagy said. “And that gives this whole entire team confidence.”

Comparing him to Jackson is unfair — the Ravens quarterback is a former MVP — but their situations are similar. Like Nagy this season, Harbaugh didn’t want to start his rookie right away. Like Nagy, his hand was forced because of an injury. And, like Nagy, Harbaugh needed to find a way to build an offense around someone whose skillset was the polar opposite of their veteran quarterback.

The Ravens did that on the fly, although they didn’t truly construct their offense around Jackson until they promoted Greg Roman to offensive coordinator following the 2018 season.

The Bears, too, are trying to customize their offense to fit Fields after spending the preseason with Dalton under center. He’s progressed the last two games, but it will take more than baby steps to keep his coach around in 2022.

Once coaches face questions about their job status, few ever come back from the brink. When Nagy looks across the field Sunday, he’ll see a rare coach who did — and the formula for him to try to do the same.

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Looking for ways to give back to your community? Volunteering at food pantries or soup kitchens is one of the most common ways to support those in need. Whether you’re preparing, serving, or packing, your help is welcome and makes a difference. Below are some Chicago food pantries and soup kitchens in need of volunteers.

Meanwhile, there are many other volunteer opportunities in the city for whatever specialty or interest you have. Therefore, feel free to check out Chicago Cares and VolunteerMatch for everything from tutoring and mentoring to park cleanup and animal care. 

4100 W Ann Lurie Pl, Chicago, IL 60632

The Greater Chicago Food Depository is the hub for a network of more than 700 food pantries, soup kitchens, shelters, and other programs. Programs address the root causes of hunger and target the specific needs of diverse groups, including veterans, older adults, and children.

Individuals and groups can sign up to help repack donated items at the warehouse, staff various FRESH Truck events at community sites around the city, or work other special events. Learn more about volunteer opportunities and sign up—spots fill up fast!

3945 N Sheridan Rd, Chicago, IL 60613

With more than 30 staff and a dedicated corps of 5,000 volunteers, Lakeview Pantry serves 15 different neighborhoods throughout the north and west sides of the city. It has multiple food distribution programs, delivering more than 2.8 million pounds of food each year. Not just a food pantry, the organization also offers social services that help individuals be independent.

Adults, children, families, faith-based and community groups, corporate groups, and those with community service requirements are all welcome to volunteer.

1850 S Throop St, Chicago, IL 60608

The Pilsen Food Pantry is run by a staff of four and a team of volunteers. The pantry supports Chicago’s south, west, and southwest sides, working with the Love Fridge, Food Not Bombs, Gage Park Community Council, Instituto Del Progreso Latino, and UIC COM Chicago Street Medicine.

Volunteer opportunities include pantry shopping, home delivery (must have your own car), unpacking, prep, and more. Sign up and schedule a shift here. 

4256 N Ridgeway Ave, Chicago, IL 60618

There are many ways to help at the Irving Park Community Food Pantry, including unloading trucks, packing, sorting, and storing food, picking up donations, and completing home deliveries. 

Other roles that aren’t food-centric include interviewing clients, translating, staffing special events, administrative duties, and grant-writing. The Irving Park Community Food Pantry is a volunteer-based organization with a staff of upwards to 90 volunteers assisting with operations. See how you can contribute here.

2859 W Jackson Blvd, Chicago, IL 60612

The Marillac House Food Pantry is a part of Marillac St. Vincent Family Services, whose mission is to use education and programs to empower and give voice to those in need. 

The organization has individual and group volunteer opportunities (some programs are suspended due to COVID-19). Volunteers can help unload and sort food deliveries, set up and take down distribution, and assist clients with shopping. Marillac House also needs long-term grocery delivery drivers to homebound seniors. 

There are also other opportunities such as sorting and selling clothes for the thrift shop or joining the Associate Board. Opportunities like tutoring and teaching assistance are currently suspended due to COVID-19. Learn more about volunteering here.

2711 W Lawrence Ave, Chicago, IL 60625

The Friendship Center serves in Chicago’s northwest side communities, operating a food pantry four days a week and serving hot meals on Thursday nights. The organization also has delivery services for homebound individuals and also providespet food once per month.

Whether it’s cooking, driving, sorting, or another skill, there’s a volunteer opportunity for you! Food pantry services include sorting, bagging, distribution, and client intake. For Thursday dinners, you can help prep, cook, serve, or pack. Other opportunities include offsite events and activities.

Featured Image Credit: Irving Park Community Food Pantry

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Eric DeValkenaere, a Kansas City, Mo., police detective, who shot and killed Cameron Lamb after a chase, testifies on Nov. 10, 2021, at the Jackson County Courthouse in Kansas City, Mo., about what led up to the shooting of Lamb, who was backing his pickup truck into his garage. A verdict will be announced in the trial on Friday, Nov. 19, 2021. | AP

Jackson County Judge Dale Youngs issued the bench ruling against Officer Eric DeValkenaere in the death of Cameron Lamb, 26. Lamb was shot while backing into his garage on Dec. 3, 2019, after chasing his girlfriend’s convertible in a stolen pickup truck.

KANSAS CITY, Mo. — A judge on Friday convicted a white Kansas City police officer of involuntary manslaughter and armed criminal action in the fatal shooting of a Black man, in a case in which prosecutors said police planted evidence.

Jackson County Judge Dale Youngs issued the bench ruling against Officer Eric DeValkenaere in the death of Cameron Lamb, 26. Lamb was shot while backing into his garage on Dec. 3, 2019, after chasing his girlfriend’s convertible in a stolen pickup truck.

DeValkenaere testified during the trial that he fired after Lamb pointed a gun at another detective, Troy Schwalm, and that he believed his actions saved the life of his partner. On the stand, DeValkenaere said: “I’m thinking, ‘I can’t let this happen, I can’t let him shoot Troy.'”

Prosecutors, however, argued that police lacked a warrant to be on the property and staged the shooting scene to support their claims that Lamb was armed. Before he was shot, prosecutors said, Lamb had his left hand on the truck’s steering wheel and his cellphone in his right hand.

Another officer who was the first to arrive at the scene after the shooting testified during the trial that he didn’t see a gun on the ground below Lamb’s left arm, which was hanging out of the window of the truck. Later, though, a gun was there in police photographs.

Two bullets were found in Lamb’s pockets at the morgue, but crime scene technicians didn’t find them at the scene. And prosecutors also raised questions about whether Lamb, who was right-handed, could have used his left hand to pull a gun due to an earlier injury. The defense argued that he could have.

The verdict came after a bench trial, which was held before the judge without a jury at DeValkenaere’s request.

The killing of Lamb, a father of three, was often invoked during racial injustice protests in Kansas City last year. And it was among several cases cited by a group of civil rights organizations in a petition urging U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland to investigate the Kansas City Police Department. The indictment in the case came days after Lamb’s death garnered renewed attention stemming from his family’s meeting with then-President Donald Trump in 2020.

In the past year, prosecutors have brought criminal charges against five white Kansas City police officers for allegedly using excessive force against Black people. DeValkenaere was the only officer charged in an on-duty killing.

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B.B. King during an earlier performance — April 27, 1964 — at Chicago’s Regal Theater in Bronzeville, where he’d record “Live at the Regal” months later. | Raeburn Flerlage / Chicago History Museum

The author of a new book on the guitar great recalls a set that thrilled the Bronzeville crowd — and disappointed the band.

It was 57 years ago this weekend when B.B. King recorded one of blues music’s seminal records at the Regal Theater in Bronzeville. This recap of that night is adapted from Daniel de Vise’s new biography “King of the Blues.” (Grove Atlantic, $30)

In the autumn of 1964, B.B. King’s celebrated career seemed to be winding down. The King of the Blues felt anonymous on his corporate label, ABC-Paramount. His singles were barely charting. Frustrated executives turned to Johnny Pate, a fine producer who had teamed with Curtis Mayfield and his Impressions on a string of soul hits.

Pate conferred with King on how to turn things around. They decided the quickest way was to record something live, the sooner the better. Thus, sheer convenience inspired the most famous live album in recorded blues.

Chicago’s Regal Theater had opened in 1928, a gem in the necklace of chitlin’ circuit palaces. Little Stevie Wonder, child star of Motown, scored his first No. 1 hit with “Fingertips,” a vocal and harmonica workout recorded live at the Regal and featuring the audience as much as the singer. Pate saw similar potential for King.

The temperature dipped below 15 degrees on a frigid Saturday as patrons filed in to the Regal on Nov. 21, 1964. They didn’t know King’s sets would be recorded. Neither did the band.

Promoters padded out King’s combo with another full ensemble, the Regal house band. The last-minute addition of unrehearsed musicians seemed an odd choice at a gig to be recorded for posterity.

A sound crew set up beneath the stage. Legendary conductor Fritz Reiner had used the same gear to record his Chicago Symphony Orchestra. Technicians hung microphones high above the seats to capture the crucial interplay between King and his audience.

The Regal touted continuous shows running past midnight. King and his band probably played four sets that day as the headliner on a bill that included Mary Wells, of “My Guy” fame, among other acts.

Pate lined up deejays from Chicago’s premier Black radio station, WVON, to introduce King’s sets. Their participation encouraged airplay for King’s music.

In the first recorded set, preserved on side one of the resulting record, the announcer was Pervis Spann, a Mississippian from King’s own hometown of Itta Bena.

“Ladies and gentlemen,” he cried, “how about a nice warm round of applause to welcome the world’s greatest blues singer, the King of the Blues, B.B. King!” In those days, King was known more for singing than guitar craft.

The band launched into a frenetic reading of “Every Day I Have the Blues,” and the audience exploded in rapture. Twelve bars in, Lucille, King’s guitar, made her entrance with a mellow and understated solo. Then King sang, his calm delivery counterbalancing the band’s harried pace.

Barely two minutes later, the song was over. “Thank you very much,” King said. He launched into the next number, playing a rising riff in the odd key of D flat that his bandmates instantly identified as “Sweet Little Angel.” Somehow, the Regal house band caught on.

The crowd was warming. One young woman cried, “Come on, B.B.,” amid scattered screams. Lucille led out the song for nearly a full minute before King sang the opening line, his voice rising to a sensual growl as he lingered on the words “I love the way-ay-ay she spreads her wings.” The screams became a chorus. Some fans swayed in full delirium.

“Live at the Regal” reached its dramatic peak on the fourth cut, “How Blue Can You Get.” King calmed the audience to a polite hush in the opening stanzas. He could command an audience the way Reiner had led the CSO. Their communion provided the dramatic arc to this recording. King approached the climactic section of “How Blue Can You Get” with the band and its listeners reaching simultaneous crescendo. When King roared the payoff couplet, “I gave you seven children/ And now you wanna give ’em back,” the room exploded in a single, cathartic cry.

When the show was over, patrons poured out into the frigid Chicago night, many voices hoarse from their exertions.

“Live at the Regal” would become a textbook for generations of future rock and blues guitarists.

But King and his bandmates never cared for it: To their ears, the mashup of bands yielded a sloppy mess.

“It sounded like s- – – to me,” sideman Duke Jethro recalled.

They preferred “Blues Is King,” King’s next live set, recorded in November 1966 at another Chicago venue, known simply as The Club.

Six decades on, both discs endure as blues classics.

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Kyle Rittenhouse is comfort by his lawyer as he was acquitted of all charges at the Kenosha County Courthouse in Kenosha, Wis., on Friday, Nov. 19, 2021. The jury came back with its verdict after close to 3 1/2 days of deliberation. | AP

The jury came back with its verdict after close to 3 1/2 days of deliberation. Rittenhouse, 18, could have gotten life in prison if found guilty of the most serious charge against him.

KENOSHA, Wis. — Kyle Rittenhouse was acquitted of all charges Friday after pleading self-defense in the deadly Kenosha shootings that became a flashpoint in the debate over guns, vigilantism and racial injustice in the U.S.

Rittenhouse, 18, began to choke up, fell to the floor and then hugged one of his attorneys upon hearing the verdict.

He had been charged with homicide, attempted homicide and reckless endangering after killing two men and wounding a third with an AR-style semi-automatic rifle during a tumultuous night of protests over police violence against Black people in the summer of 2020. The former police youth cadet is white, as were those he shot.

The anonymous jury, which appeared to be overwhelmingly white, deliberated for close to 3 1/2 days.

Rittenhouse could have gotten life in prison if found guilty on the most serious charge, first-degree intentional homicide, or what some other states call first-degree murder.

As he dismissed the jurors who sat in judgment in the politically combustible case, Circuit Judge Bruce Schroeder assured them the court would take “every measure” to keep them safe.

A sheriff’s deputy immediately whisked Rittenhouse out a back door through the judge’s chambers.

In reaction to the verdict, prosecutor Thomas Binger said the jury had spoken.

Rittenhouse’s mother, sitting several feet away from him on a courtroom bench, gasped in delight and began crying as the clerk read out the string of five not-guilty verdicts. She hugged others around her.

Wisconsin Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, who is Black and a Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate, denounced the outcome.

“Over the last few weeks, many dreaded the outcome we just witnessed,” Barnes said. “The presumption of innocence until proven guilty is what we should expect from our judicial system, but that standard is not always applied equally. We have seen so many black and brown youth killed, only to be put on trial posthumously, while the innocence of Kyle Rittenhouse was virtually demanded by the judge.”

Political figures on the right, meanwhile, welcomed the verdict and condemned the case brought against Rittenhouse.

“All of us who knew what actually happened in Kenosha last year assumed this would be the verdict,” tweeted Republican former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker. “Thankfully, the jury thought the same.”

As the outcome drew near, Gov. Tony Evers pleaded for calm and said 500 National Guard members would be ready for duty in Kenosha if needed.

Rittenhouse was 17 when he went from his home in Antioch, Illinois, to Kenosha after businesses in the city were ransacked and burned over the shooting of a Black man, Jacob Blake, by a white police officer.

Carrying a weapon that authorities said was illegally purchased for the underage Rittenhouse, he joined other armed citizens in what he said was an effort to protect property and provide medical aid.

Bystander and drone video captured most of the frenzied chain of events that followed: Rittenhouse killed Joseph Rosenbaum, 36, then shot to death protester Anthony Huber, 26, and wounded demonstrator Gaige Grosskreutz, now 28.

AP
From left, Kariann Swart, Joseph Rosembaum’s fiancee, Susan Hughe, Anthony Huber’s great aunt, and Hannah Gittings, Anthony Huber’s girlfriend, listen as Kyle Rittenhouse is found not guilt on all counts at the Kenosha County Courthouse in Kenosha, Wis., on Friday, Nov. 19, 2021. The jury came back with its verdict after close to 3 1/2 days of deliberation.

Prosecutors portrayed Rittenhouse as a “wannabe soldier” who had gone looking for trouble that night and was responsible for creating a dangerous situation in the first place by pointing his rifle at demonstrators.

But Rittenhouse testified: “I didn’t do anything wrong. I defended myself.”

Breaking into sobs at one point, he told the jury he opened fire after Rosenbaum chased him and made a grab for his gun. He said he was afraid his rifle was going to be wrested away and used to kill him.

Huber was then killed after hitting Rittenhouse in the head or neck with a skateboard, and Grosskreutz was shot after pointing a gun of his own at Rittenhouse.

After the verdict, Huber’s parents, Karen Bloom and John Huber, said the outcome “sends the unacceptable message that armed civilians can show up in any town, incite violence, and then use the danger they have created to justify shooting people in the street.”

The case was part of an extraordinary confluence of trials that reflected the deep divide over race in the United States: In Georgia, three white men are on trial in the killing of Ahmaud Arbery, while in Virginia, a trial is underway in a lawsuit over the deadly white-supremacist rally held in Charlottesville in 2017.

The exact racial makeup of the Rittenhouse jury wasn’t clear because jurors were not asked about their race in court.

The bloodshed in Kenosha took place during a summer of sometimes-violent protests set off across the U.S. by the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis and other cases involving the police use of force against Black people.

While some Americans condemned Rittenhouse as a vigilante, some on the right hailed him as a hero who exercised his Second Amendment gun rights and tried to put a stop to lawlessness.

Then-President Donald Trump said it appeared Rittenhouse had been “very violently attacked.” Supporters donated more than $2 million toward his legal defense.

Rittenhouse had also been charged with possession of a dangerous weapon by a person under 18, a misdemeanor that had appeared likely to lead to a conviction. But the judge threw out that charge before jury deliberations after the defense argued that the Wisconsin law did not apply to the long-barreled rifle used by Rittenhouse.

Schroeder’s handling of the trial drew attention at several points, including when he led applause for military veterans on Veterans Day just before a defense witness who had been in the Army was about to take the stand. The judge also let Rittenhouse himself draw juror numbers from a raffle drum to set the final 12 who deliberated.

Video and testimony from some of the prosecution’s own witnesses seemed to buttress Rittenhouse’s claim of self-defense.

Witnesses described Rosenbaum as “hyperaggressive” and said that he dared others to shoot him and threatened to kill Rittenhouse earlier that night. A videographer testified Rosenbaum lunged for the rifle just before he was shot, and a pathologist said his injuries appeared to indicate his hand was over the barrel.

Also, Rosenbaum’s fiancee disclosed that he was on medication for bipolar disorder and depression. Rittenhouse’s lawyers branded Rosenbaum a “crazy person.”

Some civil rights activists saw a racial double standard in the way the white gunman was treated.

On the night of the shootings, law enforcement officers saw Rittenhouse and other armed people on the streets despite a curfew and gave them bottles of water, with one officer heard saying over a loudspeaker, “We appreciate you guys.”

Later, amid the tumult, Rittenhouse managed to get past a police line with his weapon slung over his shoulder and was not arrested that night. He turned himself in the next day.

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“When … that wind hit you, we’d call it the Hawk.”Read More

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Kyle Rittenhouse is comfort by his lawyer as he was acquitted of all charges at the Kenosha County Courthouse in Kenosha, Wis., on Friday, Nov. 19, 2021. The jury came back with its verdict after close to 3 1/2 days of deliberation. | AP

The jury came back with its verdict after close to 3 1/2 days of deliberation. Rittenhouse, 18, could have gotten life in prison if found guilty of the most serious charge against him.

KENOSHA, Wis. — Kyle Rittenhouse was acquitted of all charges Friday after pleading self-defense in the deadly Kenosha shootings that became a flashpoint in the debate over guns, vigilantism and racial injustice in the U.S.

Rittenhouse, 18, began to choke up, fell to the floor and then hugged one of his attorneys upon hearing the verdict.

He had been charged with homicide, attempted homicide and reckless endangering after killing two men and wounding a third with an AR-style semi-automatic rifle during a tumultuous night of protests over police violence against Black people in the summer of 2020. The former police youth cadet is white, as were those he shot.

The jury, which appeared to be overwhelmingly white, deliberated for close to 3 1/2 days.

Rittenhouse could have gotten life in prison if found guilty on the most serious charge, first-degree intentional homicide, or what some other states call first-degree murder.

As he dismissed the jurors, Circuit Judge Bruce Schroeder assured them the court would take “every measure” to keep them safe.

A sheriff’s deputy immediately whisked Rittenhouse out a back door through the judge’s chambers.

In reaction to the verdict, prosecutor Thomas Binger said the jury had spoken.

Rittenhouse’s mother, sitting several feet away from him on a courtroom bench, gasped in delight and began crying as the clerk read out the string of five not-guilty verdicts, hugging others around her.

Wisconsin Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, who is Black and a Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate, denounced the outcome.

“Over the last few weeks, many dreaded the outcome we just witnessed,” Barnes said. “The presumption of innocence until proven guilty is what we should expect from our judicial system, but that standard is not always applied equally. We have seen so many black and brown youth killed, only to be put on trial posthumously, while the innocence of Kyle Rittenhouse was virtually demanded by the judge.”

Political figures on the right, meanwhile, welcomed the verdict and condemned the case brought against Rittenhouse.

“All of us who knew what actually happened in Kenosha last year assumed this would be the verdict,” tweeted Republican former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker. “Thankfully, the jury thought the same.”

As the outcome drew near, Gov. Tony Evers pleaded for calm and said 500 National Guard members would be ready for duty in Kenosha if needed.

Rittenhouse was 17 when he went from his home in Antioch, Illinois, to Kenosha after businesses in the city were ransacked and burned over the shooting of a Black man, Jacob Blake, by a white police officer.

Carrying a weapon that authorities said was illegally purchased for the underage Rittenhouse, he joined other armed citizens in what he said was an effort to protect property and provide medical aid.

Bystander and drone video captured most of the frenzied chain of events that followed: Rittenhouse killed Joseph Rosenbaum, 36, then shot to death protester Anthony Huber, 26, and wounded demonstrator Gaige Grosskreutz, now 28.

Prosecutors portrayed Rittenhouse as a “wannabe soldier” who had gone looking for trouble that night and was responsible for creating a dangerous situation in the first place by pointing his rifle at demonstrators.

But Rittenhouse testified: “I didn’t do anything wrong. I defended myself.”

Breaking into sobs at one point, he told the jury he opened fire after Rosenbaum chased him and made a grab for his gun. He said he was afraid his rifle was going to be wrested away and used to kill him.

Huber was then killed after hitting Rittenhouse in the head or neck with a skateboard, and Grosskreutz was shot after pointing a gun of his own at Rittenhouse.

The case was part of an extraordinary confluence of trials that reflected the deep divide over race in the United States: In Georgia, three white men are on trial in the killing of Ahmaud Arbery, while in Virginia, a trial is underway in a lawsuit over the deadly white-supremacist rally held in Charlottesville in 2017.

The exact racial makeup of the Rittenhouse jury wasn’t clear because jurors were not asked about their race in court.

The bloodshed in Kenosha took place during a summer of sometimes-violent protests set off across the U.S. by the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis and other cases involving the police use of force against Black people.

While some Americans condemned Rittenhouse as a vigilante, some on the right hailed him as a hero who exercised his Second Amendment gun rights and tried to put a stop to lawlessness.

Then-President Donald Trump said it appeared Rittenhouse had been “very violently attacked.” Supporters donated more than $2 million toward his legal defense.

Rittenhouse had also been charged with possession of a dangerous weapon by a person under 18, a misdemeanor that had appeared likely to lead to a conviction. But the judge threw out that charge before jury deliberations after the defense argued that the Wisconsin law did not apply to the long-barreled rifle used by Rittenhouse.

Schroeder’s handling of the trial drew attention at several points, including when he led applause for military veterans on Veterans Day just before a defense witness who had been in the Army was about to take the stand. The judge also let Rittenhouse himself draw juror numbers from a raffle drum to set the final 12 who deliberated.

Video and testimony from some of the prosecution’s own witnesses seemed to buttress Rittenhouse’s claim of self-defense.

Witnesses described Rosenbaum as “hyperaggressive” and said that he dared others to shoot him and threatened to kill Rittenhouse earlier that night. A videographer testified Rosenbaum lunged for the rifle just before he was shot, and a pathologist said his injuries appeared to indicate his hand was over the barrel.

Also, Rosenbaum’s fiancee disclosed that he was on medication for bipolar disorder and depression. Rittenhouse’s lawyers branded Rosenbaum a “crazy person.”

Some civil rights activists saw a racial double standard in the way the white gunman was treated.

On the night of the shootings, law enforcement officers saw Rittenhouse and other armed people on the streets despite a curfew and gave them bottles of water, with one officer heard saying over a loudspeaker, “We appreciate you guys.”

Later, amid the tumult, Rittenhouse managed to get past a police line with his weapon slung over his shoulder and was not arrested that night.

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A rendering of the casino complex planned for the South Loop development site called The 78. It features a 1,000-foot observation tower. | Provided

The five competing submissions promise complete entertainment destinations with revenue to bail out city pension funds.

City Hall on Friday lifted the veil on five competing proposals for the downtown casino that has eluded Chicago mayors for generations and established a rigid timetable to get the projected $200 million in annual revenue rolling in.

Broad outlines of the proposals to build a casino at McCormick Place Lakeside Center, the truck marshaling yards adjacent to McCormick Place, the vacant South Loop site known as “The 78” and the Chicago Tribune’s Near North Side publishing plant have been known for weeks.

But Friday’s unveiling of the five summary proposals by Bally’s, Hard Rock, and casino magnate Neil Bluhm’s Rivers Casino put more meat on the bones. Bally’s and Rivers both hedged their bets with two proposals apiece.

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A view of the Rivers Casino proposal to reuse Lakeside Center at McCormick Place.

The proposals differ in their locations, dollar commitments and in how quickly they could be up and running. Another major difference is the number of additional hotel rooms planned.

The Rivers Chicago McCormick, for example, highlights its plan to use the 2,900 existing Chicago hotel rooms close to the Lakeside Center and build 250 additional ones if necessary.

During a virtual briefing Friday, Chief Financial Officer Jennie Huang Bennett and Samir Mayekar, deputy mayor for economic and neighborhood development, said they are confident that all five proposals will generate “in the ballpark” of $200 million annually,

Maximizing revenue is critical because the money is earmarked for police and fire pension funds on the brink of bankruptcy. So is minimizing the need for a city subsidy. Both mayoral aides stressed that the casino proposals are “self-contained” but did not rule out a tax increment financing subsidy.

The summary proposals:

Rivers Chicago McCormick: This proposed rebirth of the underutilized Lakeside Center could be the least expensive and the quickest to market in an estimated 12 months. The estimated cost for 2,600 gaming positions is $1.3 billion — $700 million less than the most expensive proposal. It calls for an updated Arie Crown Theater and would provide direct access to the existing, more modern and better-utilized McCormick Place convention halls. That is not necessarily a positive. Some in the convention business don’t want a casino in such proximity to the existing complex for fear it would distract conventioneers off the exhibition floor.

Rivers touts its proposal as bankrolling “much-needed restoration and deferred maintenance” of Lakeside Center that McCormick Place officials would otherwise have difficulty funding. Developers further claim there is “ample parking” and that the 2,900 existing hotel rooms are already connected by a covered walkway.

Rivers 78: This proposal for the long-vacant, 62-acre South Loop site once owned by convicted political player Tony Rezko carries a $1.6 billion price tag. But it also has a potential political problem. It could conflict with Gov. J.B. Pritzker’s plan to use part of the property for a University of Illinois tech research center.

“My understanding is that, if this is selected, the developers have a vision where these two would co-exist,” Mayekar said.

The South Loop development includes a 450,000-square-foot casino with 3,300 gaming positions, a “world-class sportsbook” and an entertainment complex that includes what the partners call a “reborn Mister Kelly’s nightclub.” It also has a design quirk that includes a “1,000-foot-tall Observation Tower, featuring breathtaking, purpose-built viewing and event space drawing inspiration from Chicago’s historic bridges.” The site is described as “shovel-ready” and the “most accessible” of the five sites, with the potential to draw 7 million annual visitors. But it could draw major opposition from South Loop residents, especially in Dearborn Park located next door to the east.

The observation tower could also be a flashpoint because it would be almost as tall as 875 N. Michigan Ave., formerly known as the John Hancock Center.

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A rendering of a Hard Rock casino on the One Central development site near Soldier Field.

Hard Rock: This $1.7 billion casino and entertainment complex would be located at the proposed One Central project that developer Bob Dunn wants on a platform over Metra tracks near Soldier Field. The problem is the One Central project relies on a $6.5 billion publicly subsidized transit center at its core. And both Pritzker and Mayor Lori Lightfoot have been cool to that idea.

If they can be persuaded to come around, developers plan to build a new Hard Rock Hotel with up to 500 rooms. Playing to its strength, Hard Rock touts its “entertainment-focused strategy with nearly 35,000 live acts booked annually.” They call the development a “holistic, destination development to attract locals, the existing tourist base [including conventioneers] and induce new tourism.”

They even claim the site would generate an additional $70 million in gaming revenue for the city and $81 million more for the state “compared to any other location in Chicago.” Hard Rock developers also plan to put up a temporary casino — within six to nine months — at Lakeside Center and use existing parking at the convention complex. This plan also faces a potential buzz saw of opposition from South Loop residents. They have already mobilized in opposition to Dunn’s proposed wall of new high-rises to be built on the “transit tabletop.”

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The Bally’s proposal for a casino at the Chicago Tribune’s Freedom Center printing site, 777 W. Chicago Ave.

Bally’s at the Chicago Tribune’s Freedom Center: This development would be on a site at 777 W. Chicago Ave. where the Tribune and Sun-Times are now printed. Developers propose using adjacent property north of Chicago Avenue as a temporary casino site. The permanent casino would include 2,700 slots and 95 table games. The price tag is $1 billion for Phase 1 with the potential for $600 million more in a “follow-up phase, subject to achieving a sustainable, 20% on initial investment.” The entertainment component would include a River West outpost for the legendary comedy club “Second City.” The Bally Sports Bar would feature “constant celebrity athlete events” and a “truly immersive sports experience” that includes a museum highlighting Chicago’s sports history. Bally’s primary selling point is a global brand that it claims will draw additional visitors to Chicago. Without mentioning Rivers and its existing Des Plaines casino, the company claims that it is “conflict-free” with no other interest in the Chicago market. “We don’t operate, own or partially-own casino property located elsewhere within the Chicagoland market,” it said. Bally’s further claims that its proposal would “accelerate revenue” to the city through an “upfront incentive payment of $25 million” if it is awarded a gaming license.

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How a Bally’s casino might look if built at a truck marshaling yard near McCormick Place.

Bally’s McCormick Place: This version of the Bally’s casino would be located at the truck marshaling yards for McCormick Place at 31st Street and DuSable Lake Shore Drive. Local Ald. Sophia King (4th), chairman of the City’s Council’s Progressive Caucus, is adamantly opposed to this site because of its proximity to her development baby: the residential and medical research complex on the site of the Michael Reese Hospital bought by the city for an Olympic Village that was never built. Neighbors have embraced that development but don’t want a casino anywhere near it. Neither does King. Mayekar and Bennett said a “partnership” with City Council members who must approve the final casino site is important. But they are not ruling out the marshaling yards. This Bally’s proposal promises a $50 million “upfront incentive payment” to the city, double its Freedom Center pledge. Like the other Bally’s proposal, Phase One promises a $1 billion investment with the potential for $600 million more. The plan includes 2,700 slot machines and 95 table games; a 100 all-suite luxury hotel; an outdoor music venue with 500 to 1,000 seats; and “green space for relaxation and recreation.” Phase 2 would add a 400-room hotel, “up to 4,000 total gaming positions” and a 3,000-seat “flexible indoor entertainment venue that can accommodate large performances, smaller meetings and private events.” Bally’s McCormick is unique in its proposal to use “a portion of the available 4,000 gaming positions allocated to the project” for O’Hare and Midway airports.

Lightfoot wants to make a final recommendation to the Illinois Gaming Board during the first quarter of next year.

Toward that end, City Hall is prepared to launch the public engagement process with a Dec. 16 public hearing where developers will make presentations and answer questions.

That will be followed in early 2022 by negotiations with a developer recommended by a city review committee and chosen by the mayor and approval by the City Council and the Chicago Plan Commission.

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